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UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
LOS  ANGELES 


•     . 

-^  ^  1 


INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 


ARTHUR    FAIRBANKS. 


NEW    YORK: 
CHARLES     SCRIBNER'S     SONS. 


PREFACE 

IN  the  present  state  of  the  science  of  sociology  it  is 
rash  to  venture  beyond  the  monograph  on  some  special 
topic,  to  discuss  the  subject  as  a  whole.  '  The  present 
volume  is  not  intended  as  a  systematic  reconstruction 
of  the  principles  of  sociology,  even  in  outline.  Its  aim 
is  rather  practical.  Several  classes  of  students  to-day 
are  directing  more  and  more  attention  to  the  science  of 
society,  with  the  purpose  of  finding  a  mdre  scientific  basis 
for  their  work.  The  minister  would  infuse  religion  into 
the  social  relations  of  every-day  life,  and  seeks  to  under- 
stand society,  which  he  would  make  Christian.  Touched 
with  a  deep  sense  of  human  woe,  "ethical"  reformers  find 
that  material  aid  and  education,  and  even  friendship, 
cannot  meet  the  wants  of  the  individual,  but  that  they 
must  learn  to  know  society,  and  work  through  society,  in 
order  to  help  the  man.  The  effort  to  administer  charity 
wisely ;  the  effort  to  make  criminals  into  men,  and  to 
prevent  men  from  becoming  criminals ;  the  effort  to 
develop  a  sounder  municipal  life  in  our  cities,  and  a 
truer  political  sentiment  in  our  nations — these  are  but 
some  of  the  lines  of  work  in  which  men  to-day  are 
driven  to  study  the  science  of  society,  in  order  that 
they  may  not  do  harm  where  they  would  do  good. 
Moreover,  students  of  politics,  of  economics,  of  psychology 
and  philosophy,  of  History,  are  turning  more  and  more 


viii  PREFACE. 

attention  to  the  sociological  basis  of  their  work.  It  has 
been  my  aim  to  furnish  a  brief  introduction  to  the 
subject,  which  would  make  plain  to  the  reader  something 
of  its  scope  and  importance,  and,  it  may  be,  aid  him 
in  farther  study.  That  the  specialist  in  sociological  in- 
vestigation will  find  much  here  to  advance  the  knowledge 
of  the  science,  is  not  my  expectation. 

It  has  seemed  to  me  unwise  to  burden  the  page  with 
many  foot-notes.  To  take  the  place  of  these,  both  in 
directing  the  reader  to  farther  material  and  in  making 
general  acknowledgement  to  scholars  to  whose  works 

I  have  been  indebted,  I  have  added  at  the  end  of  the 

• 

book  a  bibliography,  arranged  in  detail  according  to  the 
chapters  in  the  body  of  the  work.  I  have  received 
many  suggestions  in  particular  from  Professor  Giddings' 
papers;  and  regret  that  his  Principles  of  Sociology  only 
came  into  my  hands  when  the  present  work  was  already 
in  type.  Finally,  I  desire  to  express  my  obligation  to 
three  friends  and  former  colleagues — Professors  Colby, 
J.  K.  Lord,  and  Wells,  of  Dartmouth  College — for  their 
help  and  encouragement. 

ARTHUR  FAIRBANKS. 

YALE  UNIVERSITY, 

April  22nd,  1896. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


INTRODUCTION. 

PAGB 

•I.  WHAT  is  A  SOCIETY  ?  AND  WHY  SHOULD  SOCIAL  PHENOMENA 

BE  STUDIED  ?   .  .  .  ...       12 

II.  RELATION  OF  SOCIOLOGY  TO  THE  OTHER  SOCIAL  SCIENCES  .   19 
III.  THE  PROPER  SPHERE  OF  SOCIOLOGY  AS  A  SCIENCE   .    .117 

CHAPTER  I. 
THE   ORGANIC  CHARACTER   OF  A   SOCIETY. 

Is  Society  an  organism  ?     Biological  Sociology.     Meaning  of  "  or- 
ganic," as  applied  to  Society. 

A.  General  character  of  the  social  unit.     I.  Complexity  and 
unity  of  a  society.    2.  The  unity  of  a  society  is  dynamic,  rather 
than  static.     Dynamic  interdependence  of  the  parts  of  a  society. 
3.  The  unity  of  a  society  is  determined  from  within.    Its  growth 
is  governed  by  an  internal  law. 

B.  A  society  and  its  environment.      I.   Physical  and  social 
environment  of  a  society.     2.   Each  organism  has  its  place  in 
organic  evolution,  each  society  in  social  evolution. 

The  danger  and  the  value  of  the  biological  analogy.  (Note  on 
the  differences  between  a  society  and  a  biological  organism)  .  31 

CHAPTER  II. 
THE  PHYSICAL  BASIS  OF  SOCIETY. 

The  physical  basis  of  life.    The  physical  basis  of  society.     Physical 
factors — race  and  locality. 

A.  Locality :  Its  general  effect.  Classification  of  external 
influences,  i.  Effect  of  the  contour  of  the  earth's  surface. 
Contour  determines  (a)  the  size  of  the  social  group,  (6)  the 
isolation  of  social  groups,  (c)  the  lines  of  social  movement. 
2.  Influence  of  climate — light,  temperature,  moisture.  3.  Society 
is  modified  by  what  it  uses — (a)  inorganic  materials,  (6)  effect  of 
fauna,  (c)  effect  of  vegetation. 


x  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

B.  Race  :  Race  expansion,  the  theory  of  population.  Present 
increase  of  population  in  Europe.  Increase  in  uncivilised  coun- 
tries. What  is  a  race  ?  The  race  and  blood-relationship.  The 
unity  of  the  race.  Race-persistence  in  different  environments  45 

CHAPTER  III. 
ASSOCIATION:   THE  RELATION  OF  MEN  IN  SOCIETY. 

The  social  group  not  merely  physical.  I.  Bonds  of  feeling :  Man 
not  a  social  animal  by  nature.  Influences  for  and  against  soci- 
ability. Natural  selection  favours  the  gregarious  instinct  in 
man.  Sentiment  as  a  social  bond.  2.  Bonds  of  common  function. 
The  unity  of  a  biological  organ  is  a  unity  of  function.  The 
unity  of  the  social  group  a  unity  of  function.  Social  evolution  • 
involves  differentiation  of  activities  and  of  groups.  In  this 
process  the  bonds  uniting  men  become  more  definite,  various, 
permanent.  Solidarity  of  the  family  increased  in  the  new  forms 
of  social  activity.  Increase  in  extent  of  expansive  social  groups. 

I.  Attractive  forces  based  in  feeling.  These  forces  part  of  the 
psychical  character  of  individuals.  2.  Functional  bonds  due  to 
common  activity.  These  bonds  also  part  of  the  psychical 
character  of  the  individual. 

Meaning  of  "association."  Conditions  favouring  association. 
Influence  of  locality,  of  race,  on  association.  Social  and  psychical 
factors  favouring  association  (vocation,  rank,  &c.) .  .  .  6 1 

CHAPTER   IV. 
THE  SOCIAL  MIND. 

The  solidarity  of  a  society  or  social  group.  The  psychical  life  of 
the  social  group,  i.  Language  and  thought  common  to  the 
members  of  a  social  group.  Beliefs,  practical  knowledge,  methods 
of  investigation  and  of  proof,  common  to  the  social  group. 
2.  Habits  and  virtues  peculiar  to  each  social  group.  Judgment 
of  action  by  conscience  a  social  fact.  Ends  of  action  and  ideals 
common  to  the  group.  3.  Types  of  feeling  mark  the  social 
group.  4.  Self-consciousness  of  the  social  group,  of  the  voli- 
tional group. 

The  unity  of  the  social  mind  and  of  the  individual  mind. 
"  Social  mind  "  a  concrete  phrase.  Relation  of  the  social  mind 
and  individual  minds.  The  social  mind  exists  in  and  through 
the  individual  minds  composing  it.  The  social  mind  the  product 
of  association. 

(Note  on  the  science  of  society  and  the  sciences  of  man. 
Sociology  and  history,  especially  the  history  of  civilisation. 
Sociology  and  the  genesis  of  psychical  processes.  Attention, 
comparison,  generalisation,  &c.,  from  the  standpoint  of  sociology. 
Sociology  and  logic  and  ethics) .  .  ...  76 


TABLE   OF  CONTENTS.  xi 

CHAPTER  V. 
CAUSES  OF  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY. 

PAGE 

Social  groups  depend  on  social  activities.  Social  force  versus  stimuli 
to  social  activity.  Needs  of  the  individual  stimulate  social 
activities.  Classification  of  social  stimuli. 

A.  Essential  stimuli.     I.  Need  of  food  as  a  stimulus  to  social 
activity.     Need  of  protection  against  cold  and  wet.     Fire  as  a 
socialiser.      Need  of  food   and   clothing  as   economic  stimuli. 
Fundamental  character  of  these  needs.     Their  wide  range.     2. 
Need  of  protection  against  fellow-men   as   a  social   stimulus. 
This  need  varies  with  the  position  of  the  individual  or  tribe. 
The  early  state,  as  meeting  this  need.     Need  of  protection  in 
developed  civilisation.     Increasing  need  of  protection  within  the 
state.    3.  Emotions  as  causes  of  social  activity:  (a)  Self-regarding 
emotions  in  primitive  society,  in  developed  society  ;   (b)  General 
sympathetic  emotions ;  (c)  Sympathetic  emotions  directed  toward 
particular  individuals.     "Broad  reach  of  emotions  at  the  basis  of 
family  life. 

B.  Non-essential  or  derived  social  stimuli.     I.  The  love  of  the 
beautiful  leads  to  social  activity— affects  the  ordinary  needs  of 
man.     2.  Intellectual  needs  lead  to  social  activity ;  so  do  moral 

and  religious  needs.     Conclusion .  .  ,        ,.      92 


CHAPTER  VI. 
MODES  OF  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY. 

Variety  of  social  phenomena.     Genetic  principle  of  classification. 
Its  meaning,  its  value,  and  its  application. 

I.  Economic  mode  of  social  activity.  Rise  of  economic  activity. 
The  three  phases:  (a)  circulation,  (b)  consumption,  (c)  produc- 
tion.    Rise  of  groups  and  institutions   in   economic  activity. 
Relation  of  economic  activity  to  other  forms  of  social  life. 

II.  "  Social "  activity  of  society.   Character  of  "social "  groups. 
Custom  the  fundamental  type  of  all  social  authority.     Relation 
of  "  social "  activity  to  other  forms  of  social  life. 

III.  Political   activity  of  society.      Political  life  and  other 
forms  of  social  activity. 

IV.  Psychical  activity  of  society.    I.  Aesthetic.  2.  Intellectual 
activity  and  institutions.    Truth  and  beauty  as  social  principles. 
3.   Moral  activity  and  institutions.     4.   Religious  activity  and 
institutions.     Relation  of  psychical  activity  to  other  forms  of 
social  activity.     Conclusion      .  .  .  108 


xii  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  VII. 
THE  INDUSTRIAL   ORGANISATION  OF  SOCIETY. 

PAGE 

Production  the  most  important  of  the  three  factors  in  determining 
industrial  organisation.  Early  industrial  life.  The  stone  age;  the 
bronze  and  iron  ages.  Social  importance  of  the  development  of 
tools.  Early  differentiation  of  industrial  functions.  Source  of 
food  as  marking  stages  in  development.  The  hunting  stage,  the 
nomad  stage,  and  the  agricultural  stage.  Influence  of  each  on 
social  life.  Increase  in  the  differentiation  of  labour. 

A.  Exchange  and  the   gradual  development  of  the  market. 
I.    Institution   of  money.      2.    Institutions  of  transportation. 
War,  and  the  development  of  circulation.     Effect  of  circulation 
on  other  modes  of  social  activity. 

B.  Consumption.    The  "economic  man."   Man's  needs  change 
in  content,  in  imperativeness,  and  in  variety.     Physical  needs 
determine  economic  life.     The  institution  of  property.     Social 
importance  of  property. 

C.  Production.    Relation  to  circulation,  to  consumption.   The 
institutions  of  production.     Slavery,  feudalism,  the  household 
unit,  the  factory  system.     Influence  of  industrial  organisation 
on  other  modes  of  social  activity. 

The  ideal  of  the  economic  group.  Influence  of  this  ideal  on 
social  life.  Fundamental  character  of  the  economic  mode  of 
social  activity  »  .  .  .  .122 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
THE  FAMILY  AS  A  SOCIAL   UNIT. 

The  family  and  the  state.  Earlier  theory  of  the  rise  of  the  state 
from  the  family.  The  family  in  the  matriarchal  stage.  Results 
accepted  by  recent  writers :  (a)  The  principles  of  marriage 
unions ;  (b)  Polyandry,  polygyny,  and  monogamy ;  (c)  Blood- 
affiliation  and  property  rights  in  the  formation  of  the  family. 
I.  The  early  family  in  the  economic  activity  of  society.  Later 
forms  of  the  family  in  the  economic  world.  The  economic  future 
of  the  family.  2.  The  family  and  the  "social"  activity  of 
society.  3.  The  family  and  the  psychical  activity  of  society : 
(a)  Intellectual,  (b)  aesthetic,  (c)  moral — moral  life  of  parents, 
moral  personality  of  child,  developed  in  the  family  —  moral 
inheritance  includes  customs  and  social  usages — moral  training 
in  the  family  and  in  general  society  —  moral  inheritance  the 
basis  of  real  progress  ;  (d)  the  religious  unity  of  the  family. 
Continuity  and  progress  of  religion  depend  on  the  family.  4. 
The  function  of  the  family  in  political  life  .  .  '  .  141 


TABLE   OF  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  IX. 
THE  STATE  AS  AN  ORGAN  OF  SOCIAL   ACTIVITY. 

PAGE 

Methods  used  in  the  science  of  politics,  (a)  The  beginnings  of 
political  life  ;  (b)  the  tribe  state  ;  (c)  the  city  state  of  the  Greeks 
and  Romans  ;  (d)  the  feudal  state ;  (e)  the  limited  monarchy 
and  democracy. 

Relation  of  law  to  the  state.  Early  law  based  on  custom  and 
religion.  Law  as  extended  by  the  courts  in  later  times.  Law- 
making  by  legislatures.  Sovereignty  and  the  conception  of  the 
state. 

The  functions  of  the  modern  state.  Three  forms  of  state 
activity:  I.  Diplomatic  and  military  activity.  2.  The  state 
punishes  crime,  and  defends  the  citizen  in  his  rights.  The 
prevention  of  crime.  3.  The  state  protects  the  citizen  in  the 
exercise  of  civil  rights. 

The  state  in  relation  to  other  modes  of  social  activity  :  I.  The 

state  and  economic  activity  ;  direct  interference  with  industry 

•    by  the  state.     2.  The  state  and  the  family.     3.  The  state  and 

higher  social  activities :  (a)  education ;  (b)  the  state  and  moral 

life ;    (c)  the  state  and  the  church.     Conclusion   .  .        -157 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  INDIVIDUAL  FROM   THE  STANDPOINT 
OF  SOCIOLOGY. 

Welfare  of  the  individual  vs.  the  welfare  of  the  social  group.  This 
conflict  in  the  different  spheres  of  social  life.  The  teaching  of 
history  as  to  this  antithesis.  The  group  as  a  social  unit.  The 
place  of  the  individual  in  society.  The  antithesis  between  the 
individual  and  the  group  is  false.  Psychical  power  involves 
dependence  on  society.  Institutions  as  a  source  of  power. 
Education  proceeds  on  this  principle.  Egoism  and  altruism. 
The  person  is  the  concrete  expression  of  the  group-life. 

The  element  of  individuality  in  persons.  Individuality  of 
persons  and  complexity  of  society.  Individuality  of  environ- 
ment. The  individual  personality.  The  individual  and  social 
progress  ,  ,  .  .  ...  174 

CHAPTER  XL 
EXTERNAL  ACCOUNT  OF  SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENT. 

Introduction  to  the  second  part ; — social  development. 

A.  Continuity  of  social  life.  Continuity  from  the  physical 
standpoint.  Continuity  of  social  life.  Of  institutions.  The 


vr  TABLE   OF  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

generation  of  psychical  life.     Continuity  and  change.     Social 
development  from  the  standpoint  of  a  supposed  goal. 

B.  Increasing  unity  and  complexity  of  social  life.  Mr.  Spencer's 
law  of  progress.  Physical  side  of  social  development.  General 
character  of  the  early  social  group.  Fundamental  forms  of 
social  activity  become  distinct.  The  simple  economic  group. 
Beginning  of  separate  economic  functions  and  classes.  Results 
of  the  more  complex  economic  activity.  Continuation  of  this 
process  at  the  present  time.  Political  activity  becomes  broader 
and  more  complex.  Increasing  complexity  and  unity  in  other 
lines.  Conclusion  .  .  „  ;  189 


CHAPTER  XII. 
PROCESSES  OF  SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENT. 

Two  theories  of  social  development.     The  two  processes  exist  side 
by  side. 

A.  Process  of  dispersion  and  differentiation,    i.  Race-increase. 
Historical  evidence  for  centres  of  dispersion.     Differentiation  of 
physical  types.     Conclusion.     2.   Differentiation  and  dispersion 
of  forms  of  psychical  life.      The  example  of  language.      The 
example  of  religion.     Statement  of  the  first  process. 

B.  Process  of  agglomeration  and  assimilation.     Civilisation 
lessens  the  number  of  social  groups.     Character  of  the  second 
process.      I.  Physical  side  of  the  process.     Persistence  of  race 
characteristics.     Unification  of  culture.     2.  Psychical  side  of  the 
process,     (a)  Example  of  language.      Tendencies  to  persistence 
and  to  assimilation,   (b)  Example  of  religion.  Fusion  of  religious 
forms.      Development  stimulated   by   the   contact  of  different 
religious  types.     Conclusion      .  .  .  203 

CHAPTER  XIII. 
NATURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY. 

Discussion  as  to  the  real  nature  of  progress. 

A.  The  biological  theory  of  natural  selection,    (a)  Multiplica- 
tion,    (b)  Heredity  and  variability,     (c)  Conflict.     Result :  The 
survival  of  the  fittest.     Modifications  of  the  biological  struggle. 

B.  Modification  of  the  struggle  for  existence  in  the  case  of 
man.     I.  The  unity  of  the  social  group  as  a  modifying  factor. 
Examples.     2.  Lines  limiting  struggle  no  longer  territorial,  but 
by  classes.    3.  Reason  as  a  modifying  factor.    Resulting  changes. 

C.  Conditions  of  struggle  and  selection  are  present  in  human 
society.     Multiplication,  heredity,  and  variability  follow  biolo- 
gical law.     Multiplication,  joined  with  social  ambition,  must 


TABLE   OF  CONTENTS. 

produce  struggle.  Conditions  of  straggle  in  the  different  modes 
of  social  activity.  Farther  discussion  of  heredity  and  variation 
as  basis  of  selection.  Psychical  heredity.  Multiplication  of 
social  groups  leads  to  a  struggle  of  groups,  in  addition  to  struggle 
of  individuals  within  each  group.  Multiplication  of  ideas  and 
psychical  struggle.  Resume  :  Conditions  present  in  society  that 
inevitably  lead  to  struggle  and  selection  .  .  ,  , 


CHAPTER  XIV. 
NATURAL  SELECTION  (Concluded). 

Discussion  as  to  the  real  nature  of  progress — continued. 

D.  Struggle  for  existence  in   human  society,     i.    Economic 
activity  as  a  struggle  for  existence.     Progress  not  from  struggle, 
but  to  higher  forms  of  struggle.      2.    "Social"  activity  as  a 
struggle  for  existence.    3.  Political  activity  as  struggle.    Import- 
ance of  the  struggle  between  lesser  political  units.     4.  Psychical 
life  involves  struggles,   as  to   new  ideas   and   inventions,  new 
aesthetic  and  ethical  and  religious  ideals. 

Changes  in  the   form   of  struggle   as    society  develops.      I. 
Physical  struggle  is  gradually  raised   to   the  psychical   plane. 

2.  The    aim    comes    to    be    not   destruction,    but   supremacy. 

3.  Irrational  and  rational  forms  of  struggle.     Change  in  the 
competing  units  as  the  struggle  becomes 'psychical. 

E.  Survival  of  the  fittest  as  the  outcome  of  struggle.    I.  Sur- 
vival of  the  fittest  individuals,  (a)  Biologically,  the  less  fit  perish, 
the  fittest  survive,  and  increase  most  rapidly,  and  rise  in  social 
position,  (b)  Economic  survival ;  social  apparatus  for  determining 
it.     (c)  Political  survival ;  social  apparatus  for  determining  it. 
(d)   Psychical   survival ;    social   apparatus   for  determining   it. 
2.  Survival  of  the  fittest  groups.     Fitness  of  groups  determined 
by  their  organisation.     Type  of  family,  industrial  organisation, 
political  principles,  standard  of  right,  of  truth,  of  beauty :  as 
elements  of  the  organisation  that  determines  the  fitness  of  the 
group.     Authority  of  each  is  made  clear  by  the  survival  of  the 
group  which   it  helps  to  make  fit.      3.    The   survival  of   the 
fittest  institutions.      Process  of  survival  of  social  institutions. 
Authority  and  stability  of  institutions,  together  with  principle 

of  development.     Progress  by  the  survival  of  the  fittest     .         .     239 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  .  .  •  ...    265 


INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY 


INTRODUCTION 

SOCIOLOGY  is  the  name  applied  to  a  rather  inchoate  mass 
of  materials  which  embodies  our  knowledge  about  society. 

Careful  students   and    sentimental    reformers 
Various 

meanings  of  alike  profess  devotion  to  the  new  science, 
the  word  Economics  is  to  be  a  branch  of  sociology ; 
Sociology,  theology  is  to  be  driven  from  the  pulpit  by 
the  new  religion  of  social  reform ;  law  and  morals  may 
be  put  on  a  true  foundation,  the  state  at  last  may  learn 
its  true  function,  and  the  family  its  true  meaning,  because 
this  new  science  has  been  discovered  toward  the  close  of 
the  nineteenth  century.  Its  forms  are  as  yet  varied,  and 
perhaps  would  suggest  a  series  of  pseudo-sciences  instead 
of  one  genuine  science.  Spencer  uses  the  term  sociology  to 
mean  the  study  of  social  institutions  in  their  origin  and 
development ;  Letourneau  applies  it  to  the  study  of  social 
beginnings,  and  it  has  been  extended  to  cover  a  good  deal 
of  ethnology  and  anthropology;  Comte,  who  has  the 
honour  of  inventing  the  word  sociologie,  meant  by  it  the 
goal  and  summation  of  all  science  as  applied  to  the 
regulation  of  human  society ;  in  America  the  name  has 
been  applied  indifferently  to  any  study  of  social  condi- 
tions which  aims  to  regenerate  society.  Such  are  some 
of  the  claims  put  forward  by  the  devotees  of  this  new 
science,  and  some  of  the  various  types  which  it  has 
assumed.  In  view  of  all  this  confusion  and  perplexity, 


2  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

it  must  be  the  first  work  of  the  student  to  define  the 
scope  of  this  science,  if  such  it  be,  and  to  determine  its 
relation  to  other  sciences  already  recognised  as  such. 
Accordingly,  I  propose  first  to  define  the  object  to  be 
studied,  viz.,  society  or  the  social  group,  and  to  indicate 
the  importance  of  such  a  study ;  secondly,  to  discuss  the 
relation  of  the  general  science  of  society  to  the  special 
sciences  dealing  with  particular  classes  of  social  phe- 
nomena; and,  thirdly,  to  enquire  whether  the  study  of 
society  as  thus  defined  deserves  the  name  of  a  science.1 


Sociology  claims  to  be  the  science  of  society,  and  the 
question    immediately    arises:     What    is    society,    or    a 

society,  this  object  which  is  to  be  studied? 
what  is  a  Toolay  many  writers  talk  freely  of  society, 

and  mean  by  it  on  one  page,  humanity ;  on 
the  next,  a  family,  or  a  race;  on  the  next,  social 
intercourse.  Those  writers  who  regard  society  as  an 
organism  are  perhaps  the  most  careless  in  this  matter, 
and  confuse  the  reader  by  including  in  said  organism  at 
one  time  the  world  as  a  whole,  and  again,  without  notice 
of  change,  some  small  group  of  men  who  have  united  for 
a  definite  purpose. 

A  society  may  be  defined  as  a  group  of  men  who  live 
together    in    relations    more    or    less   permanent.2      For 

scientific  purposes  men  are  grouped  in  classes 
f6  R1  Tt      which  include  those  who  are  alike  and  exclude 

others ;  such  a  group  is  not  a  society,  for  it 
exists  only  in  the  mind  of  the  thinker.  On  the  other 
hand  the  company  in  a  railway  car  includes  most  diverse 
characters,  but  even  so  casual  a  relation  may  bind  them 
into  a  sort  of  society.  Persons  in  the  same  audience  are 

1  This  "prolegomena"  to  the  science  of  society  should  perhaps  serve 
as  an  appendix  rather  than  as  an  introduction.     Certainly  the  third  part 
may  better  be  read  after  the  remainder  of  the  volume. 

2  V.  Gumplowicz,  Grundriss  der  Sociologie,  pp.  139,  sqq. 


INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY.  3 

a  society  when  their  minds  are  united  even  temporarily 
by  a  common  interest  in  the  speaker.  The  family 
perpetuating  the  same  life  for  generations,  is  a  society. 
A  society  is  a  group  of  persons  sharing  a  common  life 
for  a  longer  or  shorter  time;  but  inasmuch  as  there  is 
an  important  distinction  between  the  smaller  societies 
developed  to  perform  a  definite  function,  and  the  larger 
society  in  which  these  exist,  I  shall  frequently  call  the 
former  "  social  organs  "  or  "  social  groups."  These  inter- 
vene between  the  individual  and  the  larger  society  to 
which  he  belongs;  they  constitute  the  framework  or 
structure  of  that  society ;  in  the  language  of  biology  they 
may  be  called  its  organs. 

The  word  "  society  "  then  may  be  applied  to  the  larger 
body  in  which  the  social  groups  exist.  A  society  differs 
A  Society  from  these  smaller  groups  in  that  it  is  riot 
and  Social  called  into  existence  to  perform  any  definite 
Groups.  function,  for  apparently  it  exists  to  be  served 
rather  than  to  serve.  It  does  not  always  coincide  with 
a  city  or  other  local  group,  or  with  a  nation,  the  political 
group ;  the  word  covers  more  nearly  the  same  ground  as 
the  term  people.  In  general  a  society  coincides  with  a 
type  of  culture.  "  Society "  meant  for  the  Jew,  the 
Hebrew  race;  for  the  Greek,  those  whom  Greek  culture 
brought  under  its  sway  or  made  to  contribute  im- 
mediately to  its  progress;  for  the  Eoman,  the  Eoman 
world,  those  who  acknowledged  the  dominion  of  Rome. 
To-day  "society,"  in  the  broad  use  of  the  term,  means  for 
us  those  who  have  yielded  to  the  influence  of  Christian 
civilisation ;  and  we  seem  to  foresee  the  day  when  all  the 
larger  and  more  important  ethnic  groups  may  be  regarded 
as  parts  of  one  society,  because  they  share  the  same 
culture  and  the  same  civilisation. 

Society  The  object  which  sociology  proposes  to  study 

and  Social  is  society  as  a  whole,  together  with  the  smaller 
Classes.  societies  or  social  groups  which  are  developed 
to  perform  special  functions  in  the  life  of  the  larger 


4  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

whole.  But  while  it  is  only  the  group  as  a  society 
which  properly  comes  within  the  sphere  of  sociology,  it 
is  evident  that  various  types  of  social  classes  must  be 
examined  in  order  to  understand  the  groups  which  may 
be  called  societies.  Life  in  the  same  locality  and  identity 
of  race  are  the  basis  of  classes  which  all  but  inevitably 
become  social  groups  sharing  a  common  psychical  life,  so 
that  these  classes  cannot  be  neglected  by  sociology.  In 
similar  manner  the  classes  which  are  developed  in  an 
advanced  state  of  society,  classes  according  to  rank, 
according  to  occupation,  according  to  economic  and 
moral  condition,  etc.,  must  be  considered  by  sociology 
because  of  their  influence  on  the  groups  which  may  be 
recognised  distinctly  as  societies.  After  this  has  been 
granted,  the  student  should  never  forget  that  the  real 
object  of  sociological  study  is  not  classes  of  men  that  are 
alike,  but  groups  of  men  who  have  come  to  share  a 
common  life. 

So  important  a  subject  as  this  has,  of  course,  received 
some  attention  before  the  rise  of  a  branch  of  science 
entirely  devoted  to  the  consideration  of  it.  Even  when 
the  historian  has  commanded  the  reader's  imagination  by 
selecting  great  men  for  his  .theme,  the  true  student  has 
recognised  that  it  is  the  ideals  of  the  nation  which  find 
expression  in  their  lives.  The  study  of  leaders  in 
thought  and  action  deserves  the  name  of  history,  not 
because  these  leaders  are  the  only  men  worth  studying, 
but  because  the  study  of  their  lives  may  let  us  see  inside 
the  real  life  of  the  nation.  The  real  subject  of  history  is 
the  life  of  a  people,  the  development  of  the  groups  which 
go  to  make  up  this  life,  and  the  way  in  which  these 
groups  act  together  to  form  the  larger  whole. 

The  attempt  to  apply  the  doctrine  of   evo- 
Importance  .  vv  J 

of  the  study  lution  to  society  and  to  the  results  of  social 
of  the  Social  life  has  shown  the  importance  of  the  social 
Group.  group  as  an  object  of  study.  It  is  the  group 
quite  as  much  as  the  individual  which  is  subject  to 


INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY.  5 

the  law  of  natural  selection  and  the  survival  of  the 
fittest.  Among  savages  these  groups  may  be  small  and 
subject  to  change ;  still  it  is  groups,  rather  than 
individuals,  which  compete  with  each  other  for  the 
means  of  existence.  The  members  of  a  group  shield 
each  other  from  the  full  effect  of  the  natural  laws  of 
survival,  so  that'  the  very  existence  of  these  laws  has 
been  questioned;  but  in  the  struggle  of  group  with 
group  they  are  seen  operating  in  full  force.  The 
influences  of  climate  and  physical  environment  affect 
the  size,  activity,  and  energy  of  the  group  quite  as  much 
as  they  affect  the  individual  life.  Turning  from  primi- 
tive society  to  society  highly  civilised,  we  find  that  still 
the  members  of  a  group  shield  each  other,  while  group 
struggles  with  group.  The  weakest  child  receives  the 
most  care  in  the  family ;  the  trade-union  means  that 
labourer  stands  by  labourer;  the  great  function  of  the 
nation  is  to  protect  its  citizens  from  internal  lawlessness 
and  from  external  attack.  Every  social  institution 
unites  men  good  and  bad  into  one  social  group,  which 
stands  or  falls  as  a  unit  in  the  struggle  with  similar 
competitors.  The  laws  of  natural  selection  apply  to  the 
social  group,  and  this  is  therefore  the  important  unit  in 
the  process  of  social  evolution. 

But   while  the   study  of   the   social  group  has   been 
recognised   as   important,  and  has   been   emphasised   in 

some  developments  of  modern  thought,  its 
the  Social  full  meaning  has  been  generally  neglected. 
Factor  in  Law,  philosophy,  and  especially  religion,  have 
study  of  the  tended  to  exaggerate  the  importance  of  the 

individual  as  the  social  unit,  and  the  vital 
connection  between  individuals  has  been  overlooked. 
The  example  of  psychology  will  illustrate  the  results 
of  this  atomistic  study  of  individuals.  We  speak  of 
the  "  old  psychology,"  but  psychology,  both  old  and 
new,  has  ordinarily  stopped  with  the  individual  mind ; 
the  new  psychology  diilers  from  the  old  in  that  it 


6  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

applies  scientific  methods  to  the  study  of  mind  as  a 
physical  organism  in  a  physical  environment ;  it  does 
not  emphasise  the  environment  of  mind  by  mind,  and 
it  is  inclined  to  overlook  the  distinctively  human 
faculties  which  are  developed  in  this  psychical  environ- 
ment. History  tells  us  how  psychologists  have  invented 
doctrines  of  innate  ideas  to  cover  what  their  study  of  the 
individual  did  not  explain ;  how  language  and  religion 
have  been  regarded  alternately  as  the  gift  of  God,  and 
the  invention  of  cunning  men ;  how  the  highest  ideals 
of  the  race,  ideals  of  truth,  of  beauty,  of  goodness,  have 
been  at  one  time  treated  as  intuitions  implanted  in  the 
individuals  by  an  extra-mundane  power,  at  another  time 
entirely  overlooked  or  denied.  In  a  word,  man  has  been 
stripped  of  the  psychical  powers  which  are  his  inheritance 
as  a  social  being,  and  upon  the  naked  skeleton  of  a 
mind  thus  obtained,  psychologists  have  thrust  what 
garments  they  would.  The  individual  person  exists  in 
society,  and  any  true  study  of  the  individual  must 
recognise  the  dependence  of  his  habits,  his  ideals,  and 
all  his  intellectual  activity,  upon  the  psychical  life  of  the 
group  of  which  he  is  a  member. 

There  may  be  some  excuse  for  thinkers  who  have 
neglected  the  social  factor  in  their  study  of  the  individual, 
Individual-  but  I  can  see  no  shadow  of  excuse  for  the 
istic  study  way  in  which  individualistic  ages,  like  the 
of  Society.  presenfc}  have  sought  to  understand  society 
without  looking  beyond  the  individuals  which  make  up 
society.  Two  problems  are  proposed  to  the  child  under 
the  name  of  mathematics :  If  one  acre  will  yield  twenty 
bushels  of  wheat,  how  much  will  six  acres  yield  ?  If 
a  man  can  make  one  table  a  day,  how  many  can  ten 
men  make?  The  vital  difference  between  these  two 
questions  does  not  appear  in  the  first  chapters  of  the 
arithmetic.  The  ten  men  may  labour  as  an  association, 
and  no  study  of  the  unit  will  suffice  to  determine  the 
product  of  the  group.  The  typical  man  of  economics 


INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY,  7 

is  defined  as  having  social  instincts,  but  unless  the  social 
organs  for  production,  distribution,  etc.,  are  carefully 
investigated,  economics  is  one-sided,  if  not  barren.  The 
politics  which  began  with  the  freedom  and  equality  of 
all  men,  and  yet  forgot  that  they  were  brothers,  has 
done  good  service,  but  its  fruits  do  not  justify  its  claim 
to  scientific  truth. 

Various  types  of  social  philosophy  have  failed,  because 
their  attention  was  centred  on  the  individual.  The 
theory  of  natural  rights  and  natural  law,  and  in  like 
manner  the  social  contract  theory,  suffered  from  this 
defect.  They  began  with  an  abstraction,  viz.,  individuals 
apart  from  society,  and  they  ended  with  an  abstraction, 
a  "  natural "  or  a  "  contractual  "  government.  In  contrast 
with  these  are  the  theories  of  the  idealist  philosophers, 
who  would  willingly  make  a  place  for  society  in  their 
system.  They  have  equipped  the  idealistic  individual 
with  countless  social  instincts  and  social  notions,  but 
even  then  they  fail  to  explain  society,  for  the .  problem 
is  not  fairly  stated.  And  I  am  inclined  to  think  that 
even  those  students  who  have  most  clearly  recognised 
the  organic  character  of  society,  have  been  unable  to 
escape  entirely  from  the  habit  of  studying  primarily 
the  individual.  Mr.  Spencer  begins  his  Principles  of 
Sociology  with  an  elaborate  reconstruction  of  the  primi- 
tive man ;  and  Mr.  Ward,  in  his  study  of  the  dynamics 
of  society,  hardly  recognises  social  organs  and  activities 
at  all,  but  devotes  his  attention  to  the  individual  as  a 
potential  member  of  society. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  see  that  the  study  of  human 
nature,  of  man  as  man,  and  the  study  of  human  society, 
study  of  run  parallel,  and  should  always  complement 
Society  and  each  other.  The  student  of  physical  nature 
study  of  Man  posits  molecules  and  atoms  as  the  individual 
'  units  in  the  realm  of  nature,  and  he  seeks 
to  explain  the  aggregate  and  these  units  in  terms  of 
each  other.  The  atom  studied  by  itself  cannot  explain 


INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

the  aggregate,  for  the  atom  is  a  mere  abstraction  never 
existing  by  itself.  The  forces  at  work  in  the  crystal, 
or  in  the  plant,  are  the  forces  which  chemistry  and 
physics  have  made  most  familiar  to  us ;  but  chemistry 
and  physics  are  not  the  whole  of  natural  science,  for 
the  study  of  atom  and  molecule  by  themselves  does 
not  reveal  the  properties  of  their  combinations.  In  the 
study  of  physical  nature,  it  is  clear  (i)  that  the  unit 
and  the  aggregate  are  not  separate  things,  and  so  are 
not  to  be  studied  as  separate  things,  but  rather  as 
interacting  parts  in  one  whole;  and  (2)  that  the  proper- 
ties of  the  combination  cannot  be  fully  ascertained  by 
studying  units  which  are  formed  by  abstraction. 

It  is  equally  true  in  the  study  of  human  nature  that 
the  individual  and  society  are  not  separate  things,  so  that 

neither  can  be  fully  understood  when  they  are 
Individual  ,.    ,  ,    *     ,      .  ,,  , 

and  Society    studied  separately.     It  is  easy  to  forget  that 

are  not  the  human  individual,  when  separated  from 
separate  his  mental  and  moral  environment,  is  an 
unreal  abstraction  —  a  mere  possibility  of 
becoming  a  man.  Farther,  it  is  true  that  society  is  a 
composite  whole,  the  properties  of  which  cannot  be 
fully  ascertained  by  any  study  of  the  single  person.  In 
the  animal,  atoms  and  molecules  interact  upon  each  other 
to  produce  new  results,  by  reason  of  their  organic 
relation,  and  the  organic  whole  maintains  a  definite 
relation  both  to  its  component  parts  and  to  its  environ- 
ment. In  society,  the  units  interact  upon  each  other, 
and  determine  each  other  in  new  ways  because  of  their 
relation.  A  man  growing  up  in  solitude  would  know 
some  forms  of  pleasure  and  pain ;  he  could  not  under- 
stand all  the  phenomena  of  love  and  hate,  of  anger  and 
pity,  of  sympathy  and  revenge,  for  these  can  only  exist 
as  man  touches  man  in  society.  Again,  society  as  a 
whole  maintains  a  definite  relation  to  its  constituent 
factors.  Laws  and  moral  ideals,  custom  and  public 
opinion,  shape  the  lives  of  individuals ;  and  in  these  lives 


INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY.  g 

they  are  born  anew,  to  determine  the  character  of  the 
whole.  Finally,  the  social  whole  maintains  an  equi- 
librium in  its  environment,  a  unity  in  the  midst  of 
change,  which  might  be  termed  its  life.  The  church, 
the  school,  the  factory,  are  not  chance  aggregates  of  men, 
but  each  realises  a  common  life,  each  unifies  the  common 
religious,  or  intellectual,  or  economic  activity  of  those 
whom  its  influence  touches. 

Sociology,  in  the  broad  sense  of  the  term,  is  the  science 
which  deals  with  social  phenomena ;  and  it  is  in  this 
Sociology  sphere  of  social  phenomena  that  the  special 
and  the  features  of  human,  in  distinction  from  animal 
study  of  life>  are  to  be  found.  On  the  basis  of-  the 
Ln  '  above  analysis,  there  will  be  no  difficulty  in 

stating  the  true  relation  between  the  sciences  dealing 
with  the  individual  mind  (ethics  and  psychology  as 
ordinarily  treated)  and  the  science  of  social  phenomena. 
The  individual  mind  does  not  exist  until  it  is  developed 
in  society ;  society  means  little  more  than  herd  or  flock, 
until  it  has  a  psychical  life  in  the  personalities  of  those 
who  compose  it.  Mind  and  an  environment  that  is 
mental  are  continuously  determining  each  other,  so  that 
they  are  not  to  be  separated  except  for  the  sake  of 
analysis.  Psychology  is  to  deal  with  man  in  society ; 
sociology  deals  with  the  psychical  life  which  arises  when 
men  enter  into  organic  union ;  the  subject  of  the  two 
sciences  is  the  same,  and  the  difference  between  them  is 
simply  a  difference  of  standpoint. 

II. 

Various  sciences  already  exist  which  deal  more  or  less 
directly  with'  certain  classes  of  social  phenomena,  and 
„  i  .  any  definition  of  the  sphere  of  sociology  is 

and  the  imperfect  until  it  has  determined  the  relation 
Social  of  sociology  to  these  other  sciences.  Econo- 

Sciences.  mics,  politics,  and  a  series  of  so-called 
comparative  sciences,  deal  each  with  a  particular  class 


io  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

of  social  phenomena;  the  student  of  history  seeks  to 
discover  the  relation  of  these  different  classes  for  one 
people  and  one  age,  and  examines  the  development  of  a 
people  from  age  to  age.  Sociology,  defined  as  the  science 
of  social  phenomena,  includes  all  of  these  social  sciences ; 
but  in  this  general  use  of  the  term  it  is  not  a  distinct 
science,  but  rather  the  name  for  a  body  of  knowledge 
including  several  sciences.  The  more  definite  sphere  of 
sociology  as  a  science  is  indicated  when  we  recognise 
that  each  of  the  sciences  dealing  with  social  phenomena 
involves  a  theory  as  to  the  nature  of  society,  so  that  in 
order  to  proceed  safely  and  correctly  it  must  have  a 
correct  theory  of  society.  One  or  two  examples  will 
make  this  plain. 

In  the  case  of  economics,  the  theory  of  society  on 
which  it  has  sought  to  proceed  has  perhaps  been  unduly 
TheSocio-  emphasised.  This  theory  has  gone  so  far  as 
logical  Basis  to  abstract  from  all  other  human  attributes, 
of  Economic  an(j  to  postulate  as  the  economic  man  a  being 
ruled  by  one  desire — the  desire  for  wealth. 
Out  of  such  units  it  has  put  together  its  social  structure, 
and  then  has  attempted  to  outline  a  "  mechanics  "  of  this 
economic  society.  In  such  a  society,  combinations  and 
separations,  amity  and  hostility,  are  explained  by  one  and 
the  same  principle,  just  as  the  formation  of  worlds  and 
their  present  position  in  the  heavens  might  be  explained 
according  to  one  principle  by  a  "  celestial  mechanics." 
Strange  to  say,  the  economic  society  thus  outlined  bore 
a  remarkable  resemblance  to  the  industrial  state  of 
England  during  the  early  part  of  the  present  century, 
so  that  these  prophets  might  claim  honour  in  their  own 
country,  if  not  elsewhere.  While  this  economic  theory 
of  society,  like  some  other  semi-mathematical  abstrac- 
tions, has  served  good  purpose  in  isolating  one  class  of 
phenomena  and  even  making  them  subject  to  measure- 
ment, it  is  fortunate  that  economic  science  has  not 
followed  its  theory  too  closely.  The  varied  needs, 


INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY.  \\ 

interests,  and  habits  of  men  have  never  been  completely 
ignored,  and  they  have  commanded  increasing  recognition. 
The  rise  of  newer  economic  schools,  as  they  would  call 
themselves,  has  made  it  evident  that  if  economics  is 
to  interpret  industrial  phenomena  in  any  satisfactory 
manner,  it  must  have  some  theory  of  society  that  is 
broader  and  more  concrete  than  that  which  it  has  put 
forward  in  the  past.  The  economic  structure  is  really 
an  abstraction  from  the  general  structure  of  society ;  a 
necessary  and  useful  abstraction,  but  nevertheless  it 
cannot  be  fully  understood  by  itself.  The  economic 
group  or  organ  is  a  social  group  or  organ,  with  an 
economic  end  in  view ;  and  the  principles  of  its  existence 
and  development  can  only  be  learned  by  a  study  of  social 
organs  in  general.  Economic  progress  is  social  progress 
viewed  from  one  special  standpoint ;  it  should  be  studied 
as  one  phase  of  the  evolution  of  society.  In  a  word, 
sociology  is  more  fundamental  than  economics  and  the 
other  sciences  which  deal  with  special  classes  of  social 
phenomena.  Naturally,  it  has  arisen  later  than  these 
sciences  which  handle  more  concrete  problems,  but  they 
in  turn  are  to  become  dependent  on  the  general  principles 
which  it  deduces.  The  general  principles  governing  the 
life  of  men  in  society,  are  the  basis  on  which  economics 
will  have  to  build  its  theory  of  the  economic  life  of 
society. 

The  necessity  of  some  theory  as  to  the  nature  of 
society,  and  the  importance  of  a  correct  theory,  may  be 
illustrated  farther  by  the  example  of  linguis- 
^es<  Until  recent  times,  the  study  of  language 
consisted  in  the  collection  of  masses  of  material 
from  which  it  was  difficult  to  make  genuine  deductions, 
because  no  true  principle  of  arrangement  existed.  The 
effect  of  the  idea  of  evolution,  and  the  application  of  the 
comparative  method,  have  wrought  marvellous  changes  by 
introducing  such  a  principle.  Grammatical  forms  are 
studied  now  as  an  evolution,  i.e.  later  forms  are  descended 


12  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

from  earlier.  The  lexicographer  is  no  longer  content 
with  grouping  the  meanings  of  a  word  as  may  seem  to 
him  convenient.  He  desires  to  trace  the  "  evolution  "  of 
different  meanings  from  the  simple  meaning  of  a  postu- 
lated or  original  root;  here,  again,  evolution  has  meant 
nothing  more  than  descent;  the  problem  has  been  to 
trace  words  back  to  their  "arboreal  ancestor." 

The  history  and  theory  of  language  are  indissolubly 
connected  with  the  history  and  the  psychical  capacity  of 
man.  Language  is  a  social  product,  it  is  a 
function  of  all  psychical  activity,  so  that  its 
underlie  changes  and  its  evolution  are  but  one  side  of 

linguistic  ^e  evolution  of  society.  Accordingly,  different 
Theories.  .  ,  ,  ,.  ,  . 

theories   of   social   evolution   are  reflected   in 

different  theories  of  the  development  of  language.  Mr. 
Spencer  teaches  that  social  growth  is  subject  to  a  law  of 
differentiation  and  integration ;  forms  of  social  life  tend 
to  separate,  and  new  organs  are  arising  to  perform  special 
functions  for  the  whole  organism.  In  harmony  with  this 
theory,  language  should  grow  in  definiteness  and  in  com- 
plexity, for  it  is  but  one  phase  of  social  activity.  Such  a 
theory  of  the  development  of  language  prevailed  widely, 
earlier  in  the  century.  Dr.  Eobinson,  in  the  preface  to 
his  translation  of  Gesenius's  Hebrew  Lexicon,  described  it 
as  follows : — 

"The  historico-logical  method  of  lexicography  first  investigates 
the  primary  and  native  significance  of  a  word,  and  then  deduces 
from  it  in  logical  order  the  subordinate  meanings  and  shades  of 
sense,  as  found  in  the  usages  of  different  ages  and  writers,  which, 
in  short,  presents  a  logical  and  historical  view  of  each  word  in  all 
its  varieties  of  significance  and  construction." 

The  same  principle  prevailed  in  Passow's  Greek  Lexicon, 
and  to  a  degree  in  the  lexicon  of  Liddell  and  Scott, 
which  was  based  on  this.1  Another  thinker2  explains 

1  In  fact,  the  preface  to  the  first  edition  of  Liddell  and  Scott  blames 
Passow  for   paying   too   much   attention   to  the   context  (especially  in 
Homer)  in  determining  the  exact  meaning  of  a  word.     Such  a  procedure 
is  not  "  logico-historical." 

2  Gumplowicz,  L>er  liassenkampf. 


INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY.  13 

social  growth  by  the  antagonism  and  amalgamation  of 
elements  originally  heterogeneous ;  one  tribe  reduces 
another  to  slavery ;  the  new  group  is  more  complex, 
for  the  tribe  that  was  stronger  has  risen  by  subjecting 
the  other  to  its  own  ends.  Language  would  reflect  such 
a  process  as  this;  its  complexity  would  be  due  to  the 
antagonism  and  amalgamation  of  different  elements,  while 
its  extension  and  unification  would  represent  the  end 
rather  than  the  beginning  of  its  development.  The  new 
Hebrew  Lexicon  of  Siegfried  and  Stade  expressly  repu- 
diates the  principles  on  which  its  predecessors  for  half  a 
century  had  been  constructed. 

"  On  principle  we  have  avoided  setting  up  any  so-called  ground- 
meaning  of  words.  For  we  are  of  the  opinion  that  in  a  language 
the  development  of  meanings  does  not  proceed  from  a  splitting  up 
of  a  general  and  comprehensive  idea,  which  special  meanings,  so  to 
speak,  represent  the  parts  of  the  general  conception,  but  rather  that 
these  special  meanings  arise  by  the  transfer  of  a  word  with  a  special 
meaning  to  something  else  that  is  special,  which  appears  similar 
to  the  former  or  is  thought  in  connection  with  it.  In  our  opinion, 
the  general  meanings  represent  weakened  (verblasste)  special  mean- 
ings. Especially  do  we  consider  those  general  meanings,  which  in 
the  last  decades  have  decorated  our  Hebrew  lexicons  and  com- 
mentaries, as  products  of  modern  thought,  or,  if  you  will,  as 
phantoms,  which  never  corresponded  with  anything  real.  And 
purposely,  too,  have  we  avoided  giving  the  history  of  the  develop- 
ment of  meanings  of  the  individual  words  through  the  various 
stages  ;  for  we  are  too  far  removed  from  that  time  to  make  such  an 
attempt  successfully." 

The  history  of  language  may  be  our  most  important 
key  to  the  development  of  culture,  and  the  growth  of 
the  social  organism;  but  language  can  never  be  under- 
stood except  as  a  function  of  the  growing  organism. 
Each  theory  as  to  the  development  of  society  has  its 
counterpart  in  the  particular  science  of  linguistics. 
Relation  of  ^he  relation  of  sociology  to  other  sciences 
Sociology  to  dealing  with  society,  which  I  have  attempted 
the  Social  ^o  inustrate  by  the  case  of  economics  and  of 
linguistics,  may  be  briefly  outlined  as  follows. 
Social  phenomena  are  various  and  complex.  Without 


14  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

pressing  the  figure  too  far,  we  may  say  that  society  is  a 
very  complex  organism  in  the  course  of  development. 
No  one  observer,  and  no  one  method,  will  suffice  for  its 
study.  One  series  of  social  sciences  will  deal  each  with 
a  special  class  of  social  phenomena,  noting  their  rise, 
development,  and  present  character.  Politics,  for  ex- 
ample, discusses  the  phenomena  of  the  state,  and  com- 
parative religion  the  religious  phenomena ;  each  science 
will  include  both  a  historical  and  a  critical  discussion  of 
its  phenomena.  These  may  be  regarded  as  the  first  series 
of  social  sciences.  Again  different  eras,  "  cross-sections"  of 
this  process  of  development,  may  be  studied  by  them- 
selves, in  order  to  learn  the  relation  of  different  classes  of 
phenomena  within  such  a  section,  and  to  trace  in  detail 
the  causes  of  change  from  a  preceding  section.  History, 
and  more  definitely  the  history  of  civilisation,  is  the 
inclusive  name  for  the  study  of  society  in  this  second 
manner.  Finally,  special  phases  of  this  development, 
each  of  which  touches  various  classes  of  phenomena, 
may  be  studied  independently.  The  investigation  of 
institutions  such  as  the  family  and  property  hardly 
belongs  to  a  science  dealing  with  one  class  of  social 
phenomena,  for  such  an  institution  affects  profoundly 
the  structure  of  society  itself,  and  all  the  different 
classes  of  phenomena  which  the  first  group  of  social 
sciences  discuss. 

In  the  broad  use  of  the  term,  sociology  may  include 
all  these  various  sciences  which  deal  with  social  phe- 
nomena. But  after  this  study  of  special  classes  of  social 
phenomena,  of  sections  and  phases  of  this  development, 
has  been  fairly  begun,  it  becomes  possible  to  study  in- 
telligently the  general  character  and  the  general  growth 
of  the  social  "  organism  "  as  a  whole.  This  latter  study 
of  general  principles  logically  precedes  the  study  of  the 
social  sciences,  though  chronologically  it  must  follow 
them.  It  is  my  belief  that  such  a  "social  biology"  will 
work  as  profound  changes  in  the  social  sciences,  as  the 


INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY.  15 

study  of  biology  proper  has  wrought  in  the  sciences 
dealing  with  plant  and  animal  life. 

This  last  analogy  may  serve  to  indicate  with  some 
distinctness  the  exact  sphere  of  sociology,  and  the  results 
which  may  be  expected  from  such  a  study  of 
society-  Bi°l°gy  deals  with  the  general 
phenomena  of  life,  and  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciples of  life  and  growth ;  it  discusses  also  the  evolution 
of  new  forms  of  life,  and  the  laws  governing  this  process. 
It  may  embrace  all  the  biological  sciences,  but  it  refers  in 
particular  to  the  common  basis  of  these  sciences.  In  a 
similar  way  sociology  may  embrace  all  the  sciences 
dealing  with  society,  but  it  does  not  destroy  the  partial 
independence  of  any  of  these  branches.  It  includes 
economics,  politics,  etc. ;  but,  instead  of  supplanting 
them,  as  Comte  thought,  its  proper  sphere  is  to  lay  the 
foundation  for  these  particular  social  sciences.  Denned 
from  this  standpoint,  sociology  will  deal  (i)  with  the 
general  structure  of  society,  its  organs,  and  their 
functions;  and  (2)  with  the  laws  governing  social 
progress,  or  the  evolution  of  new  and  more  complex 
forms  of  social  life. 

The  problems  of  social  structure  and  of  social  activity 
will  form  the  first  part  of  the  special  science  of 
Analysis  of  sociology.  Social  statics  and  social  dynamics 
Social  cannot  be  separated  after  the  fashion  of  the 

Phenomena.  school  of  Comte,  for  all  modern  study  of 
natural  processes  has  tended  to  emphasise  the  interde- 
pendence of  structure  and  function.  The  first  question 
to  which  we  desire  an  answer  is  the  question  as  to  the 
nature  of  the  object  to  be  studied.  What  is  a  society  1 
It  has  been  called  an  organism,  and  a  comparison  with 
the  animal  organism  brings  out  distinctly  some  facts 
as  to  the  nature  of  the  social  group,  which  it  might  be 
difficult  to  grasp  without  the  use  of  this  figure.  The 
society  or  social  group  has  a  physical  life ;  it  is  in  a 
physical  environment,  and  the  physical  fact  of  heredity 


16  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

gives  the  race  a  definite  character.  And  yet  as  the  word 
society  or  association  indicates,  we  recognise  that  the  true 
unity  of  a  social  group  is  not  reached  by  a  study  of  the 
physical  side  alone ;  it  is  a  psychical  fact,  and  as  such  it 
depends  on  man's  delight  in  the  companionship  of  his 
fellows,  and  on  his  power  to  join  his  fellows  in  common 
activity.  The  phrase  "  social  mind  "  is  a  convenient  one 
to  denote  the  psychical  life  which  is  gradually  developed 
in  the  group,  and  in  which  lies  the  true  unity  of  the 
group.  If,  then,  the  unity  and  character  of  a  social 
group  consists  in  a  particular  type  of  activity,  the 
classification  of  social  groups  will  depend  on  the  classifi- 
cation of  the  social  activities.  To  classify  the  modes  of 
social  activity,  and  the  stimuli  or  causes  of  each  mode  of 
activity,  is  a  comparatively  simple  task ;  and  from  this 
standpoint  we  may  classify  also  institutions,  which  are 
hardly  more  than  habits  of  social  activity,  and  the 
groups  or  organs  which  are  developed  in  the  course  of 
their  activities.  Some  of  these  groups  require  further 
study.  The  science  of  economics  discusses  the  industrial 
organisation  of  society.  In  particular,  the  family  and  the 
state  are  groups  the  study  of  which  throws  much  light 
on  the  general  structure  of  society,  as  well  as  on  many 
problems  which  seem  to  open  before  society  to-day. 
Finally,  the  student  is  in  position  to  determine  the 
meaning  of  the  individual  personality  from  the  stand- 
point of  sociology,  arid  to  understand  the  place  of  the 
individual  in  social  life  and  growth. 

The  second  great  problem  of  sociology  is  the  question 
of  social  evolution;  and  this  includes  both  a  general 
study  of  description  of  the  development  of  society 
Social  and  of  the  processes  at  work  in  this  develop- 

Evolution.  ment,  and  also  a  discussion  of  the  causes  and 
laws  governing  it.  Viewed  in  a  somewhat  external  way, 
the  process  of  social  evolution  presents  two  general 
characteristics: — (a)  the  principle  of  continuity  in  the 
midst  of  change,  and  (b)  what  Mr.  Spencer  calls  the  law 


INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY  17 

of  progress,  namely,  that  social  elements  at  first  separate 
but  not  different  in  kind,  gradually  lose  their  separateness 
and  become  essentially  different  in  function  and  character. 
In  the  general  course  of  evolution,  analysis  finds  two 
processes,  each  of  which  has  been  put  forward  as  a  theory 
of  development : —  (a)  the  process  of  dispersion  and 
differentiation,  and  (b)  the  process  of  agglomeration  and 
gradual  unification  of  social  groups  into  larger  and  more 
complex  unities.  Natural  selection  among  varieties 
constantly  appearing  is  said  to  be  the  law  of  biological 
evolution.  This  law  is  to  be  tested  in  the  sphere  of 
social  evolution;  the  conflicting  units  must  be  determined, 
the  effect  of  struggle  on  both  conqueror  and  conquered 
examined,  and  the  differences  between  the  working  of 
this  law  in  the  social  and  the  biological  sphere  carefully 
noted. 

III. 

There  still  remains  a  question  more  fundamental  than 
those  that  have  been  considered.     Is  it  possible  to  pursue 
Unscientific   ^s  S^U(^7  *n  a  scientific  manner,  such  that  the 
character      result  may  fairly  be  called  a  science  ? 
of  much  It    may   be    granted    to    begin    with,   that 

Sociology,  scarcely  any  of  the  study  which  has  been 
devoted  to  society  as  a  whole,  deserves  to  be  called 
scientific.  Ordinarily  it  has  been  a  practical  interest 
which  has  directed  men's  attention  to  this  object,  and  the 
result  of  their  study  has  been  an  embodiment  of  their 
desires  and  aspirations  in  the  account  of  a  No-man's  land. 
And  if  the  thinker  felt  metaphysically  inclined,  he  has 
no  doubt  justified  his  picture  by  adding  a  deduction  of  it 
from  his  metaphysical  principles.  Much  of  the  worth- 
lessness  of  these  results  has  been  due,  I  believe,  to  a 
confusion  of  the  science  of  society  with  the  philosophy 
of  society.  These  words  science  and  philosophy  are  used 
in  such  varying  senses  that  it  is  necessary  for  me  to 
define  my  usage  of  them  in  order  to  make  my  meaning 
clear. 
C 


1 8  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

It  is  generally  agreed  that  science  deals  with  the  facts 
given  in  experience — accurately  describing  them,  classify- 
ing  them,  and   deducing   from   them   general 
Science  as  °  & 

the  Empirical  principles  or  laws.      Philosophy  studies  that 

study  of        which'  is  not  given  in  experience,  but  which 
Facts.     Con-  •  •,  T          i  -\ 

trast  Philo-   exPerience  presupposes  ;  it  studies  what  under- 

sophic  study  lies  experience,  its  so-called  .  postulates,  and 
of  ideals  and  tjie  goals  or  ideals  which  ought  to  be  realised 
in  experience.  Science  is  empirical  and  objec- 
tive; it  studies  that  which  is.  Philosophy  has  a  more 
subjective  and  a  nobler  task;  it  seeks  the  meaning  for 
man  of  that  which  is,  it  seeks  the  ends  which  man  ought 
to  make  real  in  his  world.  On  the  basis  of  this  definition 
everybody  is  a  philosopher,  while  the  scientific  man  is  a 
late  and  rare  development  on  our  planet;  the  world 
received  philosophical  interpretation  long  before  .there 
was  any  dawn  of  science.  And  it  is  easy  to  see  that  the 
emancipation  of  science  from  the  metaphysical  method 
must  have  been  a  slow  task.  The  physical  sciences 
succeeded  in  asserting  this  freedom  first,  and  only  in  our 
own  day  have  psychology  and  logic  and  ethics  been  able 
to  secure  any  degree  -of  freedom  from  metaphysics.  The 
example  of  logic  will  serve  to  illustrate  the  distinction 
between  philosophy  and  science  which  1  am  trying  to 
make  clear.  Logic  properly  begins  with  a  study  of  the 
phenomena  of  thought ;  it  seeks  its  data  from  psychology, 
from  the  expression  of  thought  in  language,  from  the 
history  of  .language,  and  from  any  other  available  source ; 
these  data  it  examines  and  classifies  from,  its  own  stand- 
point, and  seeks  to  find  the  laws  which  govern  the 
acquisition  of  knowledge  by  the  individual  and  the 
growth  of  knowledge  for  the  race.  This  task  is  purely 
scientific,  and  speculation  would  only  hinder  its  success. 
But  the  facts  thus  secured  will  serve  as  a  basis  on  which 
a  genuine  philosophy  of  knowledge  may  be  formed,  a 
philosophy  which  will  at  least  be  able  to  state  the  pre- 
suppositions of  knowledge,  and  which  can  determine 


INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY.  19 

with  some  reasonableness  the  methods  of  correct  thinking. 
Logic  as  science  asks :  What  is  thinking  ?  On  this  basis, 
and  not  without  it,  logic  as  philosophy  asks :  What  is 
true  thinking  ?  and,  How  can  truth  be  reached  ?  We 
have  had  enough  of  the  social  philosophy  which  consists 
in  a  system  of  short-sighted  wishes.  It  remains  to  be 
seen  whether  there  can  be  a  true  science  of  society,  for 
(as  in  the  case  of  logic)  this  is  the  only  possible  basis  on 
which  a  philosophy  of  society  can  have  real  value. 
Unless  social  phenomena  are  subject  to  law  and  can  be 
studied  by  a  rigid  scientific  method,  any  effort  to  control 
these  phenomena  by  reason  is  absurd ;  they  must  be  left 
to  caprice  and  self-interest  in  the  future  as  in  the  past. 

The  question  as  to  the  prevalence  of  natural  law  in 
human  society  is  not  at  all  a  simple  one,  for  various 
Human  interests  seem  to  be  involved  in  it,  and  the 
Society  and  discussion  of  it  has  been  obscured  in  the  past 
Natural  Law.  ^  great  looseness  in  the  use  of  terms. 
Students  of  social  phenomena  have  regarded  society 
now  as  a  natural  order,  now  as  a  moral  order,  so-called ; 
and  both  the  advocates  and  the  opponents  of  the 
naturalistic  view  have  confused  the  subject  by  discussing 
numerous  questions  under  one  and  the  same  name. 

The  phrase  "natural  order,"  when  applied  to  society, 
properly  means  the  interpretation  of  human  society  as 
part  of  the  general  order  of  nature;  and  except  for  the 
continued  failure  to  recognise  it,  we  should  hardly  think 
it  necessary  to  add  that  "nature"  is  used  in  the  larger 
sense  of  the  word,  and  is  by  no  means  limited  to  physical, 
material,  nature.  When  Aristotle  discusses  the  different 
types  of  state  as  he  finds  them  and  attempts  to  trace  the 
order  of  their  development  and  the  causes  to  which  each 
is  due;  when  Montesquievi  finds  in  the  nature  of  each 
people  the  explanation  of  its  government  and  of  the 
character  of  its  laws;  or  when  historians  generally, 
following  the  course  marked  out  by  Lessing,  have  sought 
to  go  beyond  the  mere  transcript  of  events  and  to  explain 


20  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

them  by  causes ;  it  has  been  the  constant  presupposition 
that  society  is  a  part  of  the  order  of  nature.  Nor  would 
the  question  seem  complex  except  for  the  great  variety  of 
misconceptions  to  which  it  has  given  rise.  I  need  only 
remind  the  reader  of  a  few  of  these. 

Earliest,   and    perhaps   first  in    importance,   was    the 
conception  of  a  jus  naturale,  which  was   afterward  so 
Natural  Law  Deeply  modified   by  the  Stoic   conception   of 
as  "Jus        life.      In   this   connection   natural  law   came 
Naturale."     to   mean   }aw   that  was   universally   binding, 
simple,    reasonable — the    remaining    fragments    of    the 
"law"    of    the    golden    age.      To    this    theory,    which 
influenced    so    profoundly    the    later    developments    of 
Roman  law,  may  be  traced  the  use  of  the  word  natural 
as   equivalent   both    to  primitive   and   to    ideal.      This 
current  of  thought  was  at  its  maximum  in  the  eighteenth 
century,  and  in  the  person  of  Rousseau.     Thinkers  placed 
their  ideal  in  the  past,  and  assigning  it  universal  authority 
they  sought  to  institute  the  golden  age  once  more  by  the 
very  simple  method  of   retrogression.     In  this  state  of 
nature  men  were  free,  for  no  tyrants  had  as  ye.t  risen  to 
oppress  them ;  they  were  equal,  for  social  differences  had 
not  yet  had  opportunity  to  arise  and  corrupt  the  simple 
life.     Even  to-day  "natural"  law  suggests  an  absolute 
order  based  on  principles  of  reason,1  although  this  order 
mfly  not  be  projected  into  the  past.     It  still  suggests  that 
there  is  one  definite  "  best "  type,  to  which  society  ought 
to   conform.     When  the  word  natural  is  used  to  mean 
that  society  is  a  part  of   nature,  and    so   an  object  of 
scientific  study,  it  is  still  necessary  to  repudiate  this  old 
meaning  that  was  once  attached  to  it. 
Natural  Law     Nor  should  the  word  natural  be  understood 
as  Physical    as  referring   particularly   to   physical  nature. 
Law.  xhe  attention  paid  to  physical  science  during 

the  present    century,  and   the    wonderful   results   with 
which  this  study  has  been  rewarded,  have   tended  to 

1  Maine,  Ancient  Law,  p.  87. 


INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY.  21 

crowd  out  the  sciences  dealing  with  man,  or  to  reduce 
them  to  physical  sciences.  Science,  in  the  minds  of 
many,  has  come  to  be  equivalent  to  physical  science, 
natural  law  to  physical  law ;  to  such,  the  study  of 
society  as  a  natural  order,  seems  to  mean  the  explana- 
tion of  society  from  physical  forces,  as,  for  example, 
climate,  without  reference  to  psychical  facts.  There  is 
a  justifiable  treatment  of  social  phenomena  from  the 
physical  standpoint,  but  writers  who,  in  so  doing,  would 
neglect  the  psychical  side  of  social  life  in  their  study  of 
the  physical,  are  guilty  of  deserting  higher  truth  for  what 
would  be  a  lower  truth  if  it  were  not  put  where  it 
becomes  error.  It  has  been  wisely  remarked l  tliat 
when  the  scientific  concept  "  nature "  is  extended  to 
include  social  facts,  the  meaning  of  this  concept  is 
also  extended.  The  facts  of  social  life  we  know  as 
it  were  from  inside,  so  that  they  cannot  be  placed  on 
the  same  plane  as  facts  in  the  external  world  of  sense. 
In  treating  society  as  a  part  of  nature,  and  the  laws  of 
its  activity  as  natural  laws,  I  am  far  from  endorsing  the 
method  of  Quetelet  and  Buckle  as  the  true  way  to  study 
society. 

Connected  with  this  interpretation  of  natural  law  as 
physical  law,  is  the  belief  that  in  a  natural  order  the 
Natural  Law  course  of  events  is  determined  without  refer- 
as  Mecbani-  ence  to  any  activity  of  mind.  The  mechanism 
caiiaw.  Of  physical  nature  is  what  it  is,  nor  does  it 
inevitably  suggest  the  presence  of  intelligence  or  of  will ; 
so  that  a  natural  order  of  society  is  interpreted  as  a 
social  order  existing  as  it  is,  and  independent  of  mind. 
It  is  assumed  that  fatalism  is  the  outcome  of  naturalism, 
and  in  the  social  sciences  this  fatalism  has  been  made  the. 
basis  of  a  very  emphatic  laissez-faire,  for  natural  order 
has  been  interpreted  as  meaning  an  order  that  is  both 
necessary,  and  the  best  attainable.  Beyond  question,  a 
natural  order  is  one  that  cannot  be  changed  by  mere 
1  Bernes,  Rtvue  d' Economic  Folitique,  March,  1894. 


22  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY, 

wishes,  or  reversed  by  some  new  bit  of  legislation.  The 
natural  laws  of  society  are  simply  the  modes  of  activity 
necessary  to  attain  ends,  they  are  not  prescriptions  of 
duty  coming  from  a  law-making  power  and  changeable  at 
the  will  of  such  a  power.  It  is  difficult  to  apply  the  words 
good  and  bad  to  the  order  of  nature,  nor  is  this  order 
necessary  in  the  ordinary  use  of  the  word ;  it  is  necessary 
in  that  man  cannot  change  it,  good  in  that  man  can  use 
it — the  basis  of  social  development,  not  the  denial  of  all 
development.  It  is  not  fatalistic,  for  it  is  the  basis 
required  for  intelligent  activity,  that  by  means  of  which 
a  mind  can  accomplish  its  ends;  it  certainly  is  not  an 
order  such  that  human  society  must  remain  as  it  is,  such 
that  a  reformer  is  an  absurdity,  and  a  new  invention  a 
crime.  A  fixed  order  and  fixed  unchanging  laws  in  the 
world  of  physical  nature  are,  though  men  have  been 
slow  enough  to  learn  it,  the  very  foundation  of  human 
intelligence.  Perhaps  the  most  potent  factor  in  all 
human  progress  has  been  the  patient,  earnest  inves- 
tigation of  these  laws,  which  has  made  the  forces  of 
nature  subservient  to  human  ends.  The  only  secure 
basis  for  social  progress  lies  in  the  recognition  of  natural 
law  in  the.  social  worl'd ;  when  such  laws  are  sought  out 
and  discovered,  then  man  can  utilise  them  for  his 
advancement.  Natural  laws,  I  repeat,  do  not  assign 
duties,  but  they  explain  consequences — and  the  belief  in 
a  natural  order  is  a  belief  that  these  consequences  do 
follow  the  actions,  in  spite  of  any  amount  of  wishing  or 
legislating.  The  fatalism  which  the  phrase  has  suggested 
both  to  the  opponents  and  the  advocates  of  this  belief,  is 
an  unjustifiable  addition  of  an  element  that  is  wholly 
foreign  to  it. 

Natural  ^  w^  mention  but  one  other  wrong  meaning 

Law  and  a     which  the  phrase  "  natural  order  "  may  suggest, 
Mechanics  of  viz. :  It  has  often  suggested  a  social  mechanics 
e  -mteres  .  j.jage(j  on  pure  self_iriterest,  or  on  some  other 
equally   simple  motive.     The  truth  is  that   the   easiest 


INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY.  23 

way  to  form  a  mechanics  of  society,  is  to  take  one 
simple  and  universal  motive,  and  neglect  all  other 
motives  to  action.  This  course  has  often  been  pursued; 
and  most  systems  of  social  mechanics  are  open  to  the 
charge  of  unfair  abstractness  and  one-sidedness.  Such 
a  charge  becomes  really  serious  only  when  these  systems 
claim  to  be  something  other  than  they  are,  only  when 
their  advocates  forget  that  they  are  partial,  and  are 
suited  only  for  the  partial  purpose  with  which  they 
were  formed.  When  they  come  to  be  regarded  as  true 
and  complete  statements  of  social  phenomena,  then  they 
are  evidently  false ;  and  the  conclusions  which  are  drawn 
from  them  when  so  regarded,  run  the  risk  of  being  very 
pernicious.  The  study  of  society  as  a  part  of  nature  does 
not  mean  that  the  facts  of  social  life  are  to  be  sacrificed 
to  a  convenient  abstraction. 

By  reason  of  the  errors  which  have  been  associated 
with  the  phrases  "  natural  law "  and  "  natural  order," 
The  so-called  there  has  arisen  a  habit  of  finding  the  basis 
Moral  Order  of  society  in  a  moral  order  as  contrasted  with 
of  Society.  a  natural  order.1  The  phrase  "  moral  order," 
when  used  to  denote  this  contrast,  seems  to  me  neither 
a  clear  nor  a  happy  one.  It  has  found  its  justifi- 
cation mainly  as  an  attack  on  some  of  the  erroneous 
views  which  had  attached  themselves  to  the  conception 
of  a  natural  order.  For  example,  laying  stress  on  the 
fact  of  progress,  the  advocates  of  this  position  have 
claimed  that  society  could  be  made  better  in  the  future, 
as  it  has  been  made  better  in  the  past,  even  to  the  extent 
of  a  social  revolution;  and  they  have  forgotten  that  in 
nature,  too,  there  is  progress — that  we  seem,  to  find 
revolutions  even  in  nature.  Laying  stress  on  the  pre- 
sence of  mind  as  the  very  basis  of  social  life,  they  havo 
forgotten  that  mind  also  is  a  part  of  nature  without 
which  organic  nature,  at  least,  cannot  be  understood. 
They  have  said  that  civilisation  means  the  conquest  of 
1  V.  Cohn,  System  der  Nationalokonomie,  I.  356  sqq. 


24  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

nature,  and  progress  the  gradual  subjection  of  nature 
to  human  ends ;  that  the  characteristic  feature  of  human 
society  is  not  its  obedience  to  natural  law,  but  the  fact 
that  nature  has  been  overcome ;  that  natural  freedom 
is  a  contradiction  in  terms,  for  freedom  depends  on  a 
moral  order.  In  bringing  to  light  the  errors  which  have 
lurked  behind  the  words  natural  order,  and  in  empha- 
sising the  place  of  psychical  life  as  the  very  essence  of 
human  society,  the  advocates  of  this  view  have  done  good 
service. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  consider  their  position  in  greater 
detail,  for  I  only  wish  to  show  that,  as  an  antithesis 
to  the  idea  of  a  natural  order,  the  idea  of  society  as 
a  moral  order  is  due  to  a  misapprehension  of  what  is 
meant  by  a  natural  order.  Nothing  has  been  brought 
forward  by  those  who  prefer  the  term  moral,  which  is 
inconsistent  with  the  "naturalistic"  view  when  this  is 
rightly  understood. 

I  reach  the  conclusion  that  the  objections  to  the 
study  of  society  as  a  part  of  nature  do  not  hold  good, 
Thescien-  if  "nature"  is  rightly  understood.  In  so  far 
tific  study  as  social  phenomena  are  subject  to  natural 
of  Social  law,  science  can  use  essentially  the  same 
ma"  methods  in  dealing  with  them  as  in  dealing 
with  physical  phenomena.  Very  much  the  same  result 
has  been  reached  in  the  actual  prosecution  of  the  social 
sciences.  History,  politics,  the  study  of  institutions,  have 
proceeded  on  the  supposition  that  the  phenomena  studied 
by  each,  respectively,  were  subject  to  law,  and  the  main 
work  of  these  sciences  has  been  to  discover  the  natural 
sequence  of  events  under  law  in  their  different  fields. 
At  the  same  time,  the  presupposition  has  often  been  over- 
looked or  denied,  and  it  is  part  of  the  work  of  sociology 
to  determine  the  exact  place  of  natural  law  in  the  social 
sciences. 

Science  and  philosophy  unite  in  making  the  postulate 
that  this  is  one  world.  At  length,  this  seems  to  be  the 


INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY.  25 

necessary  basis  of  all  careful  thinking ;  yet  it  is  hardly 
Society  as  possible  to  prove  it,  for  even  the  proof  of  the 
part  of  the  conservation  of  energy,  the  proof  that  the 

one  World-  W0rld  is  one  definite  mechanical  system,  pre- 
process.  ,  .  ,  1  ,  -HIT  1 

supposes  this  postulate.  Modern  science  starts 
from  this  postulate,  and  finds  before  it  a  single,  some- 
what distinct  task,  because  this  is  one  world,  and  the 
same  laws  act  in  the  same  manner  in  all  its  parts. 
The  modern  belief  in  evolution  has  made  this  view  much 
clearer,  for  it  shows  how  we  should  conceive  the  relation 
between  different  objects  and  processes  in  the  world.  The 
world  is  studied  as  one  process;  this  study  is  science, 
and  each  single  science  is  the  study  of  some  part  of 
the  world-process,  or  the  study  of  it  from  some  particular 
standpoint.  I  see  no  reason  to  deny  that  society  is  a  part 
of  this  order  of  nature,  the  crowning  glory  of  the  world- 
process,  which  has  only  been  attained  after  ages  of 
preparation.  In  society,  natural  forces  are  at  work,  and 
they  are  subject  to  natural  law,  although  these  forces  and 
this  law  have  risen  to  a  higher  plane  of  manifestation 
than  the  physical.  The  science  of  society,  and  the 
various  sciences  of  social  phenomena,  are  sciences  because 
they  study  phases  of  the  world  as  it  is — or  rather  as  it  is 
developing.  The  position  that  society  is  a  part  of  nature, 
and  so  may  be  studied  by  means  of  scientific  methods,  is 
not  one  to  be  proved  by  deductive  logic.  It  is  simply  the 
postulate  on  which  alone  social  phenomena  can  be  com- 
prehended ;  but,  when  rightly  understood,  I  think  that 
habit  will  be  the  only  obstacle  to  its  acceptance.  On 
this  basis,  the  forms  of  social  activity,  the  social  organs 
and  their  relation,  and  social  development,  can  be  studied 
in  exactly  the  same  manner  as  the  functions  and  organs 
and  development  of  the  animal  organism. 

In  bringing  such  a  conception  before  the  reader,  I 
think  it  necessary  to  point  out  once  more  the  fact 
that  the  social  phenomena,  which  I  would  include  in 
nature,  are  distinctly  psychical  in  their  character.  The 


26  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

psychology  of  the  schools  has  often  failed  to  notice  that 

mind  and  reason  only  pertain  to  the  individual 
Social  Phe-  •  •  *  j  ^  •  i  v* 

nomeaa  are    as  a  member  of  society,  and  that  social  life 

distinctly      means  nothing  less  than  psychical  life.     Man's 
Psychical  m  mjn(j  js  connected  in  a  wonderful  way  with 

Character. 

his  brain ;  and,  similarly,  the  psychical  life  of 
society  has  a  physical  basis  in  the  race  and  its  environ- 
ment. In  each  case,  the  study  of  the  physical  is 
external  and  comparatively  crude;  the  essential  nature 
of  the  phenomena  is  evident  only  when  they  are 
studied  as  psychical  in  their  character.  The  determining 
feature  of  a  social  group  is  its  psychical  life,  in  a  broad 
sense  of  the  term,  its  civilisation ;  the  different  modes  of 
social  activity  are  so  many  forms  of  psychical  activity; 
the  development  of  society  is  the  evolution  of  reason. 
The  natural  order  which  sociology  studies  is  in  the  realm 
of  psychical  life. 

When    this    position    is    thus    understood,   the    main 
obstacle   to    its   acceptance   is    the   habit   of   holding   a 

crude  view  of  the  freedom  of  the  will.  This 
of  Society  *s  no^  ^ne  pl&ce  to  discuss  such  a  vexed 
and  the  Free-  question,  but  perhaps  I  can  indicate  three 
dom^ofthe  jineg  along  which  the  stu(jent  of  society 

will  justify  himself  in  assuming  that  society 
is  a  part  of  nature,  and  that  social  phenomena,  includ- 
ing the  phenomena  of  volition,  are  subject  to  law. 
(i)  Although  this  position  is  inconsistent  with  the  com- 
mon belief  in  indeterminism,  viz.,  the  belief  that  the  will 
is  controlled  by  motives  only  in  part,  the  student  will 
point  out  that  this  common  belief  deserves  to  be  called  a 
popular  theory  rather  than  a  practical  belief,  that  it  is 
at  variance  both  with  the  carefully  considered  theories  of 
the  scientist  and  with  the  practical  belief  of  all  classes. 
A  man  may  claim  for  himself  the  power  to  act  with 
sovereign  caprice,  but  even  he  seeks  to  influence  his 
neighbours  by  rational- motives,  even  he  finds  that  there 
are  laws  applying  to  human  action.  (2)  Farther,  the 


INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY,  27 

student  will  point  out  that  the  position  he  advocates  is 
the  very  opposite  of  fatalism.  He  does  not  exclude  mind 
from  nature ;  he  does  not  assert  that  some  outside  power 
determines  a  man's  life  for  him ;  the  very  object  of  his 
study  is  the  manner  in  which  a  mind  works  out  its  ends 
in  its  environment.  For  him  reason  is  the  power  to 
realise  ends ;  society  wins  his  interest  and  claims  his  study 
because  social  life  is  the  activity  of  reason  working  itself 
out  in  nature.  (3)  He  will  follow  recent  defenders  of 
this  position1  in  pointing  out  that  freedom  from  lower 
impulses,  the  power  to  feel  noble  impulses  and  to  achieve 
noble  results,  the  sense  of  responsibility  and  of  duty,  are 
all  of  them  social  phenomena  which  could  not  exist  apart 
from  society.  He  will  claim  that  true  practical  freedom 
is  inconsistent  with  the  popular  theory  of  freedom.  Such, 
I  believe,  are  some  of  the  lines  along  which  the  student 
of  society  will  attempt  to  show  that  while  the  phenomena 
of  volition  are  subject  to  law,  still  this  does  not  mean 
the  destruction  of  responsibility  and  the  overthrow  of 
morals. 

In  advocating  the  study  of  social  relations  as  they 
exist  and  as  they  arise,  it  is  not  my  intention  to  cast  any 
SociaiScience  discredit  either  on  the  study  of  the  ultimate 
and  Social  principles  which  underlie  human  society,  or  on 
Philosophy.  the  gtudy  of  the  endg  which  may  be  realised 

in  society.  The  science  of  the  evolution  of  society  gives 
some  clue  to  the  next  stage  of  social  evolution,  but  it  is 
hardly  fair  to  call  any  such  foreshadowed  future  state  a 
social  ideal.  The  science  of  society,  in  the  narrow  sense 
of  the  term  wrhich  I  have  suggested,  gives  data  by  which 
I  may  pronounce  the  new  form  of  society  to  be  better  or 
worse  than  those  forms  which  have  preceded ;  but  it 
contains  no  "  ought,"  and  in  itself  it  lays  no  duties  on 
any  state  or  any  church  to  bring  in  the  future.  The 
science  studying  facts  and  laws  is,  however,  the  source  of 

1  Riehl,  Der  Philosophischer  Kriticismus,  II.  2,  §216-280.     (Eng.  tr., 
Theory  of  Science  and  Metaphysics,  p.  206,  sqq.). 


28  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

our  knowledge  as  to  the  results  of  action,  so  that  it  lies 
at  the  foundation  of  the  individual's  effort  to  discover  true 
ideals  and  right  rules  of  life  in  society.  The  study  of  the 
ends  of  which  I  ought  to  seek  the  realisation  in  society, 
is  all-important,  or  dangerous  nonsense,  according  as  it 
has  or  has  not  a  broad  foundation  and  a  true  method. 
The  confusion  of  maxims  of  social  action  with  the 
scientific  study  of  society,  together  with  the  use  of  the 
crude  beginnings  of  social  science  as  programmes  for  the 
renovation  of  society,  has  already  cast  great  discredit  on 
sociology.  After  the  science  of  sociology  has  found  solid 
basis  in  the  study  of  social  life  as  it  is,  the  individual 
may  depend  on  these  results  to  guide  his  desires  and  his 
hopes.  Rules  of  action  and  ideals  which  lack  this  foun- 
dation can  have  no  permanent  value.1 

Just  as  the  study  of  social  ideals  assumes  its  proper 
place  on  the  basis  of  a  careful  science  of  society ;  so 
Social  the  meaning  of  social  relations,  and  the 

Science  the  ultimate  explanation  of  that  process  of  nature 
basis  of  the  i  •  r  •  v  i  r  i_  j 

Philosophic    wmc"  science  studies,  can  only  be  reached  on 

study  of  the  same  basis.  For  example,  the  scientist 
Society.  studies  conscience  as  it  is  and  as  it  has  arisen ; 
he  shows  that  it  is  a  social  fact,  existing  only  in  and 
through  social  relations,  and  coming  into  existence  only 
through  the  intercourse  of  man  with  man,  and  of 
group  with  group  ;  to  introduce  the  question  of  its 
essential  validity,  or  its  ultimate  source,  would  interfere 
with  the  successful  prosecution  of  his  task.  The 
scientist  takes  the  same  attitude  toward  the  fundamental 
truths  of  mathematics  and  of  logic,  toward  ideals  of  the 
beautiful,  toward  religious  beliefs.  In  each  case  the  first 
question  to  be  considered  is  the  scientific  question  as  to 
the  facts  themselves,  the  question  :  What  are  the 
phenomena,  and  in  what  manner  did  they  come  into 
existence;  and  the  investigation  of  this  question  is  only 

1  Cf.  Wilson,  "The  Place  of  Social  Philosophy,"  Journal  of  Social 
Science  xxxii.  Nov.  1894. 


INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY.  29 

confused  and  hindered  when  purely  philosophic  considera- 
tions are  introduced  into  the  discussion.  The  separation 
of  these  two  modes  of  investigation  is  as  important  for 
philosophy  and  religion  as  it  is  for  science.  The  scientist 
may  assert  that  the  ideas  of  time  and  space,  norms  of 
the  beautiful,  the  conscience,  are  social  products ;  the 
philosopher  and  the  religious  believer  may  answer,  This 
is  not  only  untrue  but  absurd.  But  unless  the  scientist 
has  gone  beyond  his  proper  sphere,  he  only  means  that  he 
finds  in  the  study  of  social  development  a  complete  and 
satisfactory  account  of  the  manner  in  which  these  ideas 
arose ;  the  philosopher  and  the  believer  are  at  liberty  to 
interpret  the  meaning  of  these  ideas  as  they  find  reason 
to.  Let  the  two  modes  of  investigation  be  kept  separate, 
and  the  results  of  each  will  be  of  greatest  importance  to 
the  other. 

This  careful  limitation  of  the  task  of  sociology  has 
been  made  necessary  by  the  large  claims  made  upon 
Necessity  of  it,  and  by  the  misunderstandings  to  which 
carefully  ft  nas  given  rise.  if  students  of  social  rela- 
task  of  tions  are  to  be  able  to  form  true  ideals  of  a 
Sociology  as  better  state  of  society,  if  they  are  to  discover 
a  Science.  fae  rea]  causes  of  abnormal  social  conditions,  and 
if  they  are  to  be  successful  in  modifying  these  causes  for 
the  better,  then  patient,  critical,  apparently  unsympathetic 
investigation  must  first  prepare  the  way.  If  the  philo- 
sopher would  penetrate  the  last  secrets  of  the  universe, 
and,  reaching  forward,  would  interpret  the  world  in  terms 
of  a  goal  yet  to  be  attained,  he  cannot  afford  to  neglect 
any  of  the  data  which  science  can  furnish.  Science  may 
seem  to  be  sapping  the  roots  of  religion  when  it  tells  the 
story  of  creation  and  leaves  out  the  Creator;  and  the 
"  scientific  theist,"  the  Christian  evolutionist,  and  the 
Christian  sociologist  hasten  forward  to  the  rescue  of  God. 
But  the  reign  of  natural  law  suggests  a  nobler  conception 
of  God  than  the  belief  in  a  semi-divine  chance ;  if  evolu- 
tion is  the  last  word  of  science,  it  is  a  little  more 


3d  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

knowledge  as  to  the  way  God  works ;  if  society  is  a 
part  of  the  natural  order  God  has  established,  the  use  of 
strict  scientific  method  in  its  study  is  the  way  for  the 
student  of  society  to  draw  near  to  God.  Modern  science 
is  non-philosophical  in  order  that  the  scientist  may  be  a 
true  philosopher ;  it  is  non-religious,  in  order  that  the 
scientist  may  have  a  true  religious  faith. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE   ORGANIC   CHARACTER   OF   A   SOCIETY. 

THE  first  work  of  the  student  of   sociology  is  to  form  a 
general  conception  of  the  nature  of  a  society  or  social 

group,  that  object  which  he  proposes  to  study. 
an  Organism  1  ^  considerable  school  of  recent  writers  assert 

with  confidence  that  a  society  is  an  organism. 
The  figure  is  by  no  means  a  new  one,  for  Plato  and  Aris- 
totle made  it  familiar  to  their  readers,  and  the  writings  of 
Paul  and  John  have  kept  it  before  the  Christian  church. 
This  statement  of  the  nature  of  society  has  the  advantage 
of  simplicity ;  the  analogy  which  it  suggests  is  an  ex- 
ceedingly attractive  one;  moreover,  it  gives  sociology  a 
distinct  place  in  connection  with  the  other  sciences,  by 
bringing  it  into  close  relation  with  biology.  Such  an 
explanation  of  society  apparently  solves  some  difficulties 
which  beset  the  earnest  student,  by  showing  that  many 
a  fact  which  in  itself  seemed  an  imperfection  or  a 
blemish,  had  a  really  important  place  in  the  develop- 
ment of  society  as  a  whole.  And  it  seems  to  furnish 
some  clues  to  the  social  ideals  which  reformers  of  society 
may  rightly  aim  to  realise ;  at  any  rate,  social  reformers 
of  antithetic  schools  profess  to  find  support,  each  for  his 
own  position,  in  the  doctrines  of  biological  sociology. 

Excellent  as  this  analogy  appears  at  first  sight,  the 
effort  to  construct  a  whole   science  on  the  basis  of   a 

mere  analogy  properly  awakens  suspicion.  The 
Sociology  so-called  sociology  which  has  been  produced 

by  this  process  in  Germany,  is  hardly  more 
than  the  description  of  social  phenomena  in  biological 


32  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

language,  and  the  interpretation  of  them  in  terms  of 
biological  laws.  It  is  neither  biology  nor  sociology,  and 
it  can  serve  no  scientific  purpose.  Mr.  Herbert  Spencer 
does  not  develop  this  analogy  so  minutely  as  the  German 
writers  just  referred  to,  and  in  his  hands  it  affords  a 
means  of  pourtraying  vividly  some  of  the  essential  features 
of  social  life  and  social  development.  However,  it  remains 
an  analogy,  and  such  an  analogy  always  tempts  the  writer 
to  exaggerate  apparent  likeness.  Social  tissue,  and  social 
organs,  and  the  social  mind,  are  convenient  phrases ;  the 
question  is  whether  they  are  true  and  the  best  expression 
for  the  truth. 

In  Dr.  SchafflJs  scheme,  property  is  the  passive  factor,  and 
the  individual  man  the  active  factor,  in  the  social  substance. 
The  family  is  the  simplest  vital  unity  or  cell.  The  "social 
substance"  consists  of  (1)  simple  connective  tissue — unity  of 
speech,  belief,  etc.  ;  and  (2)  differentiated  tissue — institutions 
for  protection,  industry,  etc.  Society  has  a  mind,  with  sensi- 
tive and  motive  apparatus  (e.g.  the  executive  function  of  the 
state),  with  intellectual  activity  (schools,  etc.),  as  well  as 
aesthetic  and  ethical  life. 

Mr.  Spencer  points  out  that  animals  have  a  three-fold  system 
of  organs ;  correspondingly,  society  has  a  nutritive  system  in 
its  industrial  organisation,  rulers  and  defenders  constitute  its 
nervous  system,  transportation  and  exchange  its  circulatory 
system.  Animals  (a)  increase  in  size,  (6)  increase  in  differ- 
entiation of  structure  and  function,  while  (c)  no  part  can  live 
in  separation  from  the  developed  organism.  Societies  (a)  increase 
in  size  both  by  internal  multiplication  and  by  union  of  groups  ; 
(b)  increasing  differentiation  is  shown  in  the  division  of  labour, 
and,  as  in  the  animal,  the  differentiated  function  gives  rise  to 
separate  organs,  and,  finally,  to  a  complex  social  apparatus ; 
and  (c)  separation  from  the  developed  organism  is  fatal. 

The  question  whether  or  not  society  is  really  a  sort  of 
biological  organism  is  wont  to  receive  undue  emphasis 
„  .  .  to-day,  by  reason  of  the  current  discussion 
"Organic,"  between  adherents  and  opponents  of  a  bio- 
as  applied  to  logical  school  of  sociologists.  The  prior 
Society.  question,  and,  indeed,  the  only  question,  of 
real  importance,  has  to  do  with  the  truth  which  this 


THE  ORGANIC  CHARACTER  OF  A  SOCIETY.     33 

analogy  is  intended  to  convey.  To  the  most  superficial 
observer,  society  has  some  degree  of  unity,  and  it  is  made 
up  of  lesser  units  or  groups.  The  general  character  of 
the  larger  unity  is  conveniently  described  by  the  word 
organic;  and,  in  this  opening  chapter,  I  desire  to  unfold 
the  meaning  which  should  be  associated  with  the  word 
organic  as  applied  to  society.  The  analogy  between 
society  and  an  organism  suggests  (i)  the  general  char- 
acter of  the  social  unit,  and  (2)  the  relation  of  social 
units  to  each  other  and  to  their  natural  environment. 

I. 

As  applied  to  a  social  group,  the  word  "organic"  means 

first  that  a  society  shows  the  same  marvellous  subjection 

of  a  complex  structure  to  a  single  end  that 

A  1    Com-  f  ° 

piexity  and  characterises  a  plant  or  animal.  The  animal 
Unity  of  organism  consists  of  cellular  material  which 
Society.  biology  regards  as  one  and  the  same  in  all  its 
modifications,  but  this  material  assumes  very  different 
forms  in  the  various  parts  and  organs  of  the  body. 
While  each  organ  regarded  by  itself  has  a  certain  unity 
and  independence,  it  is  immediately  connected  with 
others  in  the  same  system  or  apparatus,  and  less  closely 
with  other  parts  of  the  same  whole.  The  stomach  has 
its  own  function,  but  this  function  is  subordinated  to  the 
end  or  function  of  the  whole  digestive  system,  and  this 
again  is  indissolubly  associated  with  the  functions  of  the 
other  systems  in  the  body.  The  further  analysis  is 
carried,  the  more  complex  the  structure  of  an  organism 
appears,  and  at  the  same  time  the  unity  of  the  whole 
stands  out  so  much  the  more  distinctly.  There  is  not 
simply  an  analogy  in  general  structure  between  the 
social  group  and  the  animal  organism ;  the  complexity 
in  which  the  unity  finds  expression  is  the  same  in  both. 
A  society  consists  of  individuals  who  are  essentially 
alike,  although  they  become  very  different  as  they  stand 
in  different  relations  to  the  life  of  the  whole.  These 


34  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

individuals  live  their  life  in  groups — social,  industrial, 
and  political.  Each  little  group  has  some  independence, 
but  it  is  immediately  connected  with  other  groups  in  the 
same  (industrial,  or  political,  or  intellectual)  system,  and 
this  system  again  is  co-ordinated  with  others  in  the 
complex  life  of  society.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the 
individual  units  seem  so  simple  and  familiar,  it  is  quite 
impossible  to  cover  in  any  analysis  all  the  complex  life 
in  which  each  bears  its  part;  but  the  fact  that  the 
common  life  has  a  unity  of  its  own  becomes  more 
clear  the  more  it  is  studied. 

For  instance,  common  political  life,  the  unity  of  a  nation,  is 
not  fully  comprehended  in  the  few  powers  that  may  be  directly 
exercised  by  the  central  government.  Each  dependent  com- 
monwealth, county,  and  town  represents  to  those  whom  it 
includes  certain  phases  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  whole.  The 
energy  and  harmony  of  the  state  depend  on  the  true  vigour 
and  vitality  of  each  part,  and  of  each  citizen.  At  the  same 
time,  the  political  organisation  of  society  stands  in  closest 
relation  with  its  social,  industrial,  and  intellectual  structure. 
A  state  is  not  constituted  by  the  presence  of  military  power, 
nor  yet  can  industry  flourish  and  intellectual  culture  arise 
without  the  presence  of  some  authority  able  to  maintain  order 
and  to  protect  from  attack. 

Secondly,  in  its  application  to  the  unity  of  a  social 
group,  the  word  "organic"  reminds  the  student  that  a 
A  2.  The  society  has  not  so  much  a  structural  unity  as 
Unity  of  a  the  unity  of  a  process.  In  the  biological 
I)0"6  mi18  organism,  be  it  vegetable  or  animal,  the  cells 
rather  than  are  constantly  changing,  and  the  structure  is 
static.  permanent  only  in  its  general  outlines.  Each 
part  spends  itself  in  performing  its  function  for  the 
whole,  and  is  constantly  restored  through  the  natural 
activity  of  the  other  parts  in  the  performance  of  their 
own  functions.  The  animal  is  one  because  the  different 
organs  are  so  delicately  adjusted  to  each  other  that  they 
work  together  as  parts  of  one  process,  which  process  is 
the  animal's  life.  It  is  equally  true  of  society  that  its 


THE  ORGANIC  CHARACTER  OF  A  SOCIETY.     35 

structure  is  constantly  changing,  and  that  its  real  unity 
consists  of  the  common  life  in  which  all  the  social 
activities  bear  a  part.  In  every  society  the  units  are 
constantly  changing,  young  men  come  forward  to  take 
the  place  of  the  old.  The  institutions  for  accomplishing 
given  ends  change  from  age  to  age,  and  the  general 
structure  of  society  is  always  being  slowly  modified. 
For  example,  economic  goods  may  be  produced  by  the 
tribe,  by  the  village,  in  the  family,  or  in  the  factory ;  in 
these  different  cases  the  structure  of  a  society  is  pro- 
foundly different.  The  life  and  vigour  of  society  depend 
upon  change,  but  through  all  change  a  society  preserves 
its  real  unity  because  its  common  life  continues.  Each 
social  organ  is  spending  itself  in  performing  its  function 
for  the  whole,  and  its  energy  is  constantly  restored  as  its 
members  receive  food  and  clothing,  new  satisfaction,  and 
new  incentive  of  every  sort,  because  the  other  social 
organs  are  performing  their  proper  functions.  The  larger 
society  is  one  when  all  its  parts  depend  on  each  other  in 
one  common  life-process.  The  smaller  social  group,  e.g., 
a  trades -union,  is  one,  not  by  reason  of  the  particular 
organisation  it  may  form,  but  because  its  members  share 
a  common  life. 

The  important  corollary  to  the  truth  just  stated,  is  that 
the  different  parts  and  activities  of  society  stand  in  very 
Dynamic  close  relations  of  interdependence.  This  inter- 
interdepend-  dependence  often  seems  greater  than  in  the  case 
enceofthe  „ r  .  ,  ,..  ,  JP  . 

parts  of  a      °*  animal  hie,  where  the  loss  or  a  toot  or  an 

Society.  eye  may  have  no  direct  effect  on  the  stomach, 
and  even  a  part  of  the  brain  may  be  destroyed  without 
any  perceptible  change  in  the  other  organs.  The  most 
familiar  example  of  social  interdependence  is  the 
economic  life  of  society,  with  its  balance  of  supply  and 
demand,  delicately  adjusted  and  yet  inexorable,  controlling 
all  the  markets  of  the  world  and  making  the  industrial 
world  one.  Injury  to  an  economic  class  is  immediately 
felt  through  all  the  economic  world,  and  it  has  far- 


36  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

reaching  results  in  the  spheres  of  social,  moral,  and 
intellectual  life.  A  new  invention  in  America  may 
cheapen  the  food-supply  of  Europe,  or  affect  the  per- 
centage of  crime  in  England.  Similarly  the  health  of 
a  city  is  threatened  by  a  single  case  of  contagious  disease, 
and  a  single  crime  widely  advertised  often  produces  a 
harvest  of  moral  evil.  It  is  claimed  that  the  multiplica- 
tion of  Homes  for  the  Fallen  in  some  parts  of  England 
has  actually  gone  so  far  as  to  make  vice  easier  and  less 
repellent.  Such  a  familiar  fact  as  the  dynamic  inter- 
dependence of  the  different  parts  of  society  hardly  needs 
illustration.  The  use  of  the  word  "  organic  "  in  applica- 
tion to  a  society  as  the  expression  of  this  fact,  is  justified 
both  because  the  organism  is  the  most  familiar  example 
of  this  kind  of  interdependence,  and  because  no  analysis 
can  adequately  express  all  the  complex  relations  which 
exist  in  the  developed  society. 

The  most  striking  difference  between  an  organism, 
plant  or  animal,  and  any  other  object,  is  that  the  unity 
AS  anc^  ^e  growth  of  an  organism  seem  to  be 

Unity  of  a  determined  from  within.1  The  unity  of  a  hill 
Society  is  or  a  rock  depends  on  our  own  definition ;  the 

determined  ^  f  house  rests  back  on  the  idea  in  the 
from  within.  ; 

mind  of  the  builder;  but  a  plant  includes  so 

much  as  is  subject  to  the  single  life-principle  within. 
The  word  "organic"  as  applied  to  a  society  means, 
thirdly,  that  any  given  society  includes  so  much  as  is 
subject  to  the  life  of  that  society.  The  unity  of  a  people 
is  not  determined  by  life  in  the  same  geographical 
locality;  the  Englishman  and  the  Spaniard  are  to  be 
found  in  all  parts  of  the  globe.  Nor  does  it  depend 
necessarily  on  the  unity  of  political  life;  United 
Germany  is  a  recent  fact,  and  political  union  hardly 
succeeds  in  uniting  Norway  and  Sweden.  The  unity  of 
a  people  is  the  unity  of  a  common  life.  The  same 
language,  the  same  customs  and  traditions,  a  love  for  the 
1  Cf.  Mackenzie,  Introduction  to  Social  Philosophy,  chap.  iii. 


THE  ORGANIC  CHARACTER  OF  A  SOCIETY.     37 

same  past,  these  are  important  factors  in  a  common  life, 
although  they  do  not  express  it  all.  A  people  is  truly 
one  only  when  it  has  come  to  recognise  its  unity,  to  be 
proud  of  custom  and  tradition  because  these  express  its 
own  past,  to  be  loyal  to  the  institutions  of  the  present 
because  these  are  the  form  of  its  present  life.  A  people 
is  one  when  it  has  developed  a  self-consciousness  of  its 
own ;  such  a  unity  determined  from  within  is  fitly  called 
"  organic." 

Moreover,  the  growth  of  a  plant,  or  an  animal,  is 
governed  by  an  internal  law.  The  word  growth  is  not 
The  Gr  th  directly  applied  to  increasing  geological  forma- 
of  a  Society  tion  or  to  mechanical  products ;  the  factory 
is  governed  extends  as  machinery  is  added  and  the  old 

by  an  in-  engines  replaced  by  new,  but  it  does  not  itself 
ternal  Law.  °  J 

grow.      The    organism    proper    unfolds    irom 

within,  in  accordance  with  a  type  already  determined  in 
the  germ,  and  growth  is  the  development  of  this  type,  or 
character,  when  the  germ  is  placed  under  favourable 
conditions.  The  clearest  law  of  history  is  that  a  human 
society  follows  the  same  law  of  growth  from  within. 
Every  age  and  every  period  of  development  sets  the  type 
for  the  succeeding  period,  determining  its  general 
character,  if  not  the  extent  and  rapidity  of  development. 
A  church  grows,  not  -when  it  is  extended  over  new 
territory,  but  when  it  absorbs  arid  controls  new  peoples, 
by  subjecting  them  to  the  power  of  its  life;  its  growth 
is  from  within.  The  modern  type  of  factory  production 
may  be  traced  from  the  inventions  which  made  it 
possible,  through  various  stages,  to  its  present  form,  and 
it  still  has  a  future  before  it.  All  the  economic  and  legal 
and  political  institutions  that  we  prize,  are  parts  of  a 
process  of  growth;  their  authority  is  the  outgrowth  of 
the  past,  and  their  future  form  develops  out  of  the 
present.  One  nation  may  conquer  another  in  battle,  but 
it  remains  to  be  seen  whether  the  conquering  people  has 
in  itself  the  genius  to  absorb  the  other  people  into  its 


38  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

own  life.  Crises  come  in  the  life  of  every  nation,  when 
some  great  political  change  seems  to  be  suddenly  intro- 
duced, yet  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  look  beneath  the 
surface  to  see  that  the  new  external  order  is  simply 
the  truer  expression  of  the  common  life  which  gradually 
has  come  to  demand  the  new  form.  The  bud  has  been 
slowly  developing  as  it  absorbed  the  plant -juices ;  and 
some  morning  the  flower  is  open.  The  growth  of  a  nation 
is  determined  from  within ;  in  the  life  of  a  people  is  to 
be  found  the  law  of  its  development. 


II. 

The  second  thought  suggested  by  the  word  organism  is 
that  a  society  is  not  an  independent  entity,  but  develops 
Bl.  Society  as  Part  °f  a  larger  process.  The  plant,  or 
and  its  animal,  is  related  to  others  which  are  included 
Environment.  jn  tjie  same  species ;  it  is  related,  less  closely 
but  none  the  less  really,  to  other  organisms  in  the  great 
whole  of  organic  nature;  it  depends  most  intimately 
on  its  physical  environment :  in  these  different  ways  it 
takes  its  place  in  that  one  great  process  which  we  call 
Nature — or  the  World. 

A  society  depends  on  its  environment  no  less  inti* 
mately  than  do  the  organisms  of  biology.  Physical 
Physical  En-  environment  does  much  to  influence  the 
vironment  of  character  of  a  society  by  its  influence  on 
a  Society.  the  persons  wno  compose  it  ;  and,  more 
directly  still,  physical  environment  affects  society  itself, 
determining  the  lines  which  social  activity  may  follow, 
and  stimulating  or  checking  that  activity.  The  broken 
coast  of  the  Mediterranean  brought  very  different 
peoples  into  comparatively  close  contact,  and  the 
resulting  development  of  industry  spread  a  democratic 
spirit  in  communities  on  the  coast.  Aryan  tribes 
penetrating  into  Greece  were  necessarily  broken  into 
smaller  groups,  and  the  lack  of  communication  between 


THE  ORGANIC  CHARACTER  OF  A  SOCIETY.     39 

narrow  valleys  made  the  culture  of  one  group  less  and 
less  like  that  of  the  others.  Where  food  is  sparse,  and 
widely  scattered,  as  in  Australia,  only  four  or  five  or 
six  persons  can  find  maintenance  together,  and  the  size 
of  the  social  group  is  immediately  determined.  In  times 
and  places  of  plenty  the  tribe  increases  with  abnormal 
rapidity  till  perhaps  emigration  is  necessary  to  provide 
food  for  all.  In  all  phases  of  its  activity  a  society  is 
linked  most  closely  with  physical  nature  outside  itself, 
and  the  same  analysis  which  often  makes  it  convenient 
to  speak  of  an  organism  and  its  environment,  has 
constantly  led  the  student  to  speak  of  the  environ- 
ment— the  physical  environment — of  society. 

If  any  given  society  is  isolated  and  set  in  contrast 
with  its  environment,  the  most  important  phase  of  this 
Social  En-  environment  is  its  social  side,  the  environment 
vironment  of  by  human  societies  with  which  the  given 
a  Society.  society  stands  in  connection.  The  military 
strength  of  a  society  is  determined  by  its  social  environ- 
ment. In  modern  Europe  enormous  sums  are  spent  that 
each  nation  may  keep  its  relative  place  among  its 
neighbours  in  reference  to  armament  on  land  and  sea. 
In  all  but  the  lowest  stages  of  uncivilised  life  the  same 
principle  holds  good;  a  tribe  maintains  its  place  among 
its  neighbours  by  its  fighting  power,  its  numbers,  or  its 
strength  of  position ;  among  weaker  neighbours  it  may  be 
split  by  dissension,  or  lose  its  vigour,  without  running  the 
risk  of  annihilation.  The  tools,  and  much  of  the  skill  in 
meeting  wants  and  desires,  which  a  tribe  possesses,  are 
determined  by  social  environment.  The  bow  and  arrow 
have  a  given  area,  the  boomerang  a  more  limited  area ; 
among  tribes  which  use  the  one  weapon  a  new  tribe  would 
adopt  that,  unless  it  brought  with  it  a  superior  weapon 
which  the  other  tribes  might  adopt.  Customs  have  the 
same  history.  Forms  of  government,  religious  practices, 
rules  of  right  action,  and  even  the  minutest  details  of 
custom  in  the  simplest  matters,  are  determined  for  the 


40  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

social  group  in  large  measure  by  its  social  surroundings. 
In  all  its  social  life  a  society  is  connected  with  all  the 
adjacent  societies,  and  with  the  development  of  civilisation 
this  connection  is  extended  indefinitely. 

Secondly,  the  word  "  organic  "  suggests  that  the  larger 

process  to  which  each  society  belongs,  may  be  described 

as  an  evolution.     In  the  animal  and  vegetable 

Organism       kingdoms  the  word  "  evolution "   means  that 

has  its  place  organisms  may  be  arranged  in  a  series  which 

in  Organic  represents,  more  or  less  perfectly,  the  history 
Evolution.  ^  ,  .  •' 

or    their  development.     Ihe   series   converges 

as  one  goes  backward,  till  hypothetically  some  simple 
form  is  reached,  to  which  all  the  complex  forms  of  life 
are  traced  back.  In  the  earlier  part  of  the  series,  there 
are  presumably  some  well-marked  stages,  while  in  the 
latter  part  there  could  hardly  be  stages  of  development 
which  would  be  identical  for  forms  so  diverse  as  birds, 
iishes,  and  mammals.  And  the  word  "  evolution  "  means 
that  we  have  reason  to  believe  that  this  series  really 
represents  what  we  know  of  the  history  of  organic  life. 
The  reason  for  believing  that  life  has  followed  such  a 
course  of  development,  is  that  we  find  it  still  subject 
to  the  same  laws  and  following  the  same  course.  These 
biological  laws  may  (in  part)  be  determined  as  a  matter 
of  experiment,  so  that  the  student  can  actually  see  the 
process  of  evolution  going  on. 

In  like  manner  the  complex  forms  of  human  societies 
now  existing,  may  be  traced  to  simpler  antecedents,  and 
.  arranged  in  a  series.  The  complex  judicial 
has  its  place  and  legal  institutions  of  modern  society  are 
in  Social  said  to  begin  with  a  few  simple  rules  by 
which  a  dispute  is  to  be  settled.  Different 
forms  of  industrial  organisation,  from  the  barter  of  lowest 
savages  down  to  the  industrial  life  that  now  involves  in 
one  current  all  the  civilised  nations  of  the  globe,  may 
be  arranged  in  a  series  representing  the  industrial  evolu- 
tion of  society.  It  has  often  been  assumed  that  such  a 


THE  ORGANIC  CHARACTER  OF  A  SOCIETY,     41 

series  represents  what  we  know  of  the  history  of  the 
human  race  from  some  one  simple  beginning  down  to 
its  present  complex  life.  In  any  case  it  is  a  simple 
matter  to  point  out  some  stages  in  the  early  history  of 
a  given  division  of  the  race,  stages  which,  perhaps,  arose 
independently  in  different  places  as  the  outcome  of  the 
same  causes.  Thus  we  speak  of  a  stone  age,  and  a  bronze 
and  iron  age ;  of  a  hunting  age,  and  a  nomad  age,  and 
an  age  of  agriculture.  But  here,  as  before,  the  •  real 
reason  for  believing  that  human  society  developed  under 
definite  laws  from  some  simple  beginnings,  is  that  it  is 
possible  to  trace  the  process  for  a  little  way  and  to  de- 
termine some  of  these  laws.  Within  the  period  covered 
by  historic  records,  we  see  each  present  growing  out  of  its 
past,  we  discover  some  of  the  causes  for  each  change  in 
the  form  of  social  life,  the  general  trend  of  the  develop- 
ment becomes  clear,  and  at  least  a  few  of  the  laws  to 
which  this  social  process  is  subject,  may  be  determined. 
Any  particular  phase  of  social  life  can  only  be  under- 
stood as  part  of  the  one  great  process  of  social  develop- 
ment, and  the  larger  process  is  best  understood  as  an 
evolution  of  many  complex  forms  out  of  a  very  few 
simple  forms. 

That  so  striking  an  analogy  as  the  analogy  between  a 
society  and  an  organism  should  lead  to  false  conclusions, 
Danger  of  *s  ^7  no  means  surprising.  "  A  society  is 
the  Bioiogi-  either  organic  or  inorganic,"  is  Mr.  Spencer's 
cai  Analogy.  (jiiemma  j  i  an(j  as  the  society  is  quite  unlike 
inorganic  matter,  he  concludes  that  it  is  not  only  organic 
but  is  itself  an  organism,  and  that  it  differs  from  the 
animal  only  as  the  animal  differs  from  the  plant. 
"  Organisms  grow ;  societies  grow ;  therefore  society  is 
an  organism" — the  argument  of  the  biological  school 
of  sociologists  can  be  reduced  to  this  simple  form,  and 
the  fallacy  which  is  evident  in  this  statement,  is  not 

1  H.  Spencer,  Principles  of  Sociology,  pt.  ii.  chap.  ii. 


42  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY 

avoided  by  the  rich  and  varied  forms  in  which  the 
argument  is  often  presented.1 

The  analogy  between  a  society  and  a  biological  organism 
is  far  from  perfect,  so  that  the  actual  help  which  sociology 
Value  of  the  can  derive  from  biology  is  little  enough.  No 
Biological  mere  expansion  of  an  analogy,  even  if  it  be 
Analogy.  expanded  through  several  volumes,  deserves 
the  name  of  a  science ;  moreover,  this  particular  analogy 
has  hindered  the  progress  of  sociology  by  the  false  and 
one-sided  views  which  it  has  suggested.  And  yet,  in 
spite  of  all  that  may  be  urged  against  it,  the  analogy 
continues  to  have  real  value  as  a  very  effective  way  of 
stating  important  truths.  The  complex  unity  of  the 
social  structure  can  never  be  fully  stated  in  any  analysis, 
however  far  it  be  carried.  The  dynamic  interdependence 
of  the  different  social  elements  in  one  great  process  is 
like  the  interdependence  of  functions  in  the  life  of  an 
animal,  in  the  fact  that  it  is  never  fully  described  in  the 
abstract  propositions  of  science.  In  a  word,  the  general 
nature  of  a  social  unit,  and  the  character  of  its  depen- 
dence on  other  units,  are  best  described  by  the  use  of 
this  figure.  And  as  the  student  goes  on  to  study  the 
social  group  from  different  standpoints,  to  classify  and 
examine  the  different  forms  of  social  activity,  and  to  seek 
the  laws  of  social  development,  the  "organic"  character 
of  a  society  is  constantly  to  be  kept  in  mind. 

The  word  "  organic  "  is  used  to  describe  : — 

(I)  The  unity  of  a  society. 

(1)  Remarkable  complexity  of  the  single  structure. 

(2)  The  real  unity  lies  not  in  the  structure,  but  in 

the  one  process  in  which  all  the  parts  depend 
intimately  on  each  other. 

(3)  The  unity  and  the  development  of  a  society  are 

determined  from  within. 

1  A  brief  summary  of  the  differences  between  a  society  and  a  biological 
organism  is  to  be  found  in  a  note  at  the  close  of  the  present  chapter. 


THE  ORGANIC  CHARACTER  OF  A  SOCIETY.     43 

(II)  The  fact  that  each  social  element  is  part  of  a 
larger  process. 

(1)  Each  society  depends  on  its  environment,  both 

physical  and  social. 

(2)  Each  social  element  and  social  function  is  under- 

stood only  as  part  of  a  larger  process,  viz.,  the 
evolution  of  human  society. 

NOTE  ON  THE  DIFFERENCES  BETWEEN  A  SOCIETY  AND  A 
BIOLOGICAL  ORGANISM.1 

The  discussion  of  "Biological  Sociology"  does  not  fall  within 
the  scope  of  the  present  work,  but  it  may  be  useful  to  summarise 
briefly  the  important  differences  between  a  society  and  an  organism. 

(1)  The  original  elements  of  society  are  more  discrete  than  the 
original  elements  in  a  biological  organism.     The  higher  this  organ- 
ism, the  more  closely  all  the  parts  are  bound  together  in  subordina- 
tion to  the  single  life  of  the  whole ;  but  as  a  society  develops  a  higher 
and  more  intense  life,  the  persons  composing  it  acquire  more  and 
more  individuality.     In  consequence  of  this  (a)  parts  of  a  society 
can  live  alone  when  separated  ;  a  Eobinson  Crusoe  on  a  "  desert 
island  "  is  possible  when  nature  is  reasonably  lavish  ;   and  (6)  the 
loss  of  a  considerable  part  is  less  dangerous  to  the  whole. 

(2)  The  form  of  the  social  group  is  less  fixed  and  permanent  than 
is  the  structure  of  an  animal  or  plant.     The  organs  of  an  animal 
belong  to  a  few  definite  series,  and  their  functions  remain  about  the 
same.     In  a  society,  the  number  and  variety  of  social  "organs" 
goes  on  increasing  indefinitely  ;  and  their  particular  structure  and 
function  do  not  continue  the  same.     Consequently  (a)  social  growth 
is  less  closely  limited  by  time  and  place  than  is  the  growth  of  an 
organism  proper.     Unlike  the  life  of  an  animal,  the  life  of  a  society 
tends  normally  to  become  more  stable,  its  power  to  adapt  itself  to 
changed  conditions  increases,  and  much  as  the  form  of  its  expres- 
sion may  change,  it  is  in  reality  continuous.     And  (ft)  changes  in 
the  life  of  a  society  may  be  more  various,  more  important,  and 
more   rapid,  than  in  the  animal   or  plant.     An  economic  crisis 
changes  in  a  few  days  the  whole  face  of  the  industrial  world,  an 
election  changes  the  personel  of  a  government,  and  perhaps  reverses 
its  policy. 

(3)  In  the  social  organism,  the  interdependence  of  the   original 
elements  and  their  aggregates  becomes  even  closer  than   in  the 

1  Cf.  De  Greef,  Introduction  a.  la  Sociologie,  pt.  i.  chap.  vi. 


44  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

biological  organism.  Keally,  the  limited  independence  of  each  part 
or  organ  in  the  animal  is  quite  as  remarkable  as  its  dependence. 
In  society,  the  industrial  activity,  for  instance,  responds  at 
once  to  the  least  change  in  any  of  the  factors  that  enter  into  it, 
and  all  the  other  forms  of  social  activity  are  affected  with  that 
which  is  properly  industrial.  The  interdependence  of  social  func- 
tions and  social  groups  is  so  great  as  to  transform  the  whole  process 
of  evolution.  There  is  a  survival  of  the  fittest  man  in  the  tribe, 
but  each  member  is  cared  for  by  the  tribe.  The  fittest  tribe 
survives,  but  each  tribe  speedily  adopts  from  its  opponents  their 
.  superior  weapons  and  even  their  superior  organisation.  The  result 
of  the  extreme  sensitiveness  of  each  element  in  society  to  the  state 
of  each  other  element,  is  to  overbalance  any  lack  of  union  which 
might  result  from  the  more  flexible  and  variable  character  of  social 
units,  and  even  to  utilise  that  flexibility  in  behalf  of  a  more 
intimate  common  life. 

(4)  The  differences  so  far  considered  have  been  only  relative, 
but  the  final  distinction  is  qualitative  and  essential.  In  the  animal, 
consciousness  is  an  attribute  of  the  whole  organism.  In  a  society, 
consciousness  remains  centered  in  the  discrete  individual  elements. 
When  men's  thoughts  come  to  move  in  the  same  channel,  and  a 
group  learns  its  own  unity,  we  speak  of  a  "  social  consciousness "  ; 
but  the  phrase  never  means  that  a  society  has  a  brain  or  a  con- 
sciousness apart  from  the  consciousness  of  the  men  who  compose  it. 
The  present  difference  becomes  even  more  marked  in  the  process 
of  development,  for  the  animal  development  has  meant  a  concen- 
tration of  the  more  important  nervous  elements,  and  a  merging 
of  their  separate  activity  into  the  common  activity  of  a  single 
consciousness.  In  the  lower  stages  of  society  bodies  of  men  are 
more  easily  swayed  by  a  single  common  thought  or  emotion — as 
when  the  mob  first  worshipped  Paul  and  Barnabas  as  gods,  and 
then  drove  them  from  the  city.  The  development  of  society 
involves  the  development  of  individuality  in  each  of  its  members, 
inasmuch  as  the  growth  of  a  larger  common  life  is  the  condition  of 
a  truer  and  deeper  self -consciousness.  The  history  of  industry  is 
the  history  of  increasing  industrial  liberty  and  increasing  responsi- 
bility for  the  individual.  The  strong  government  rests  on  the 
sense  of  citizenship  it  has  developed  in  the  governed.  In  a  word, 
the  development  of  society  is  a  development  of  persons  ;  the 
"social  consciousness"  only  exists  in  the  discrete  social  elements 
which  have  become  individual. 


CHAPTER   II. 

THE  PHYSICAL  BASIS   OF  SOCIETY:   RACE   AND   LOCALITY. 

SOCIETY  has  been  called  the  third  stage  of  the  aggrega- 
tion of  matter.     Such  language  is  scarcely  necessary  to 

bring  out  clearly  the  fact  that  the  life  of 
Basis  of  Life  society>  like  all  other  life,  has  a  physical  basis. 

Modern  physiology  attempts  to  show  that  all  the 
phenomena  of  life,  the  sensitive  or  psychical  as  well  as 
the  purely  vegetative,  are  simply  new  transformations  and 
combinations  of  physical  energy.1  There  is  no  peculiar 
life-force,  nor  is  there  any  part  or  function  of  the  animal 
that  is  regarded  as  beyond  the  reach  of  the  physical 
sciences.  All  the  energy  received  by  the  animal  is 
appropriated  from  its  physical  environment,  and  returns 
when  expended  to  the  fixed  fund  of  energy  in  the  world. 
If  science  is  ever  to  understand  life  completely,  it  will 
simply  be  the  complete  statement  of  the  transformations 
of  energy  which  make  up  the  life-process. 

Similarly,  if  there  is  to  be  a  physical  science  of  society, 
it  will  be  necessary  to  show  that  all  the  distinctively 
The  Physical  social  phenomena  have  a  physical  basis,  and 
Basis  of  can  be  stated  in  terms  of  physical  science  as 
Society.  transformations  of  physical  energy.  Physical 
science  admits  no  peculiar  social  force,  and  it  does  not 
hesitate  to  offer  its  explanation  of  energy  and  activity  as 
it  appears  in  the  social  world.  This  energy  depends 
immediately  on  the  capacity  of  the  individuals  of  which 
the  society  is  composed.  Its  character  and  amount  is 

1  E.g.  Huxley,  Lay  Sermons,  Essay  vii.  ;  Claude  Bernard,  Lemons  sur 
les  phenomenes  de  la  vie,  p.  22,  sqq. 

45 


46  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

determined  primarily  by  the  individuals,  secondly  by  tho 
power  of  union  between  these  individuals,  and  thirdly  by 
the  environment  in  which  they  are  placed.  This  energy, 
too,  is  appropriated  from  the  physical  universe,  and  is 
returned  to  this  when  expended.  No  part  or  function  of 
social  life  lacks  this  physical  basis,  the  study  of  which  is 
the  proper  sphere  of  physical  science.  The  truth  of  this 
study  of  society  from  the  physical  standpoint  may  be 
admitted  without  at  all  overlooking  the  fact  that  this  is 
not  the  whole  story,  even  if  it  does  cover  the  whole 
ground.  Other  lines  of  approach  may  yield  newr  truth 
and  shed  new  light  on  the  matter,  beyond  what  is 
accessible  by  the  methods  of  pure  physical  science.1 

From  the  physical  standpoint  men  may  be  grouped 
according  to  race  or  according  to  locality.  Physically, 
Physical  the  ^e  an(^  growth  of  society  is  to  be  ex- 
factors:  Race  plained  in  terms  of  these  two  factors.  A  race 
and  Locality.  is  a  <(  socjai  organism"  or  a  part  in  some  such 
organism;  the  locality  is  the  physical  environment  in 
which  this  so-called  organism  develops.  The  two  stand 
in  reciprocal  relation,  just  as  the  eye  is  related  to  light  or 
the  stomach  to  food.  This  relationship  is  so  complex 
that  it  is  ordinarily  impossible  to  trace  particular  effects 
to  particular  causes.  The  discussion  in  regard  to  such 
a  relatively  simple  matter  as  race  colour,  illustrates  this. 
In  general  the  darkest  races  are  found  in  regions  rather 
low  and  not  far  from  the  equator.  Very  wild  guesses 
have  been  hazarded  to  account  for  the  dark  colour; 
perhaps  a  fair  sample  of  these  is  the  theory  that  it  is  due 
to  an  excess  of  carbon  in  the  system,  and  that  this  is 

1  In  the  study  of  society.,  it  is  important  to  guard  against  the  notion 
that  physical  lii'e  and  psychical  life  have  no 'relation  to  each  other.  The 
same  facts  in  nature  may  be  studied  from  the  standpoint  of  physical 
science  and  by  its  method  ;  and  they  may  be  studied  from  the  stand- 
point of  psychology  and  history  and  by  the  methods  of  these  sciences. 
A  clear  statement  of  the  critical  view  of  the  relation  between  physical 
and  psychical  phenomena  may  be  found  in  Riehl,  Philosophischer 
Kriticismus,  II.  2,  pp.  176,  sqq.  (Eng.  tr.,  Science  and  Metaphysics, 
pp.  167,  aqq.) 


THE  PHYSICAL  BASIS  OF  SOCIETY.  47 

caused  by  the  quality  of  the  air !  Science  is  limited  to 
the  general  statement,  and  can  only  prove  that  climate 
has  a  slight  tendency  to  modify  colour.1 

"  Inorganic  nature,  even  the  lowest  and  the  least  com- 
plex, is  the  matrix  where  are  fertilised  and  developed  the 
A.  General  germs  of  all  social  forms  and  organisms, 
effect  of  which  .  «  .  gradually  rise  .  .  .  and  develop 
out  of  the  necessity  of  the  physical  medium, 
from  which  they  came." 2  Progress  in  civilisation  in- 
volves an  increasing  knowledge  of  the  laws  of  nature 
and  of  the  means  of  utilising  natural  forces.  Among 
the  lowest  races  man's  life  seems  to  be  an  almost  passive 
element,  moulded  by  the  natural  forces  of  its  environment. 
Mountains  and  seas  are  impassable;  drought  means 
famine,  disease  means  death ;  no  real  resistance  to  the 
powers  of  nature  is  possible.  Civilisation  does  not 
change  natural  laws,  but  it  enables  man  to  use  these 
laws.  Man  reacts  to  the  influences  of  his  environment 
with  the  power  that  has  been  developed  in  society. 
The  sea  becomes  his  highway  and  mountains  are 
tunnelled.  Disease  is  grappled  with,  the  means  of 
sustaining  life  become  more  various  and  are  more  care- 
fully husbanded,  so  that  the  average  length  of  life  has 
been  constantly  and  materially  lengthened.  These  effects 
of  climate,  food,  etc.,  are  the  more  difficult  to  study 
because  they  are  never  simple  but  are  modified  by  the 
constantly  changing  nature  of  man.  Man  cannot  rise 
above  his  environment,  but  he  does  rise  by  using  the 
forces  which  at  first  had  blocked  his  progress. 

The  factors  of  the  physical  environment  of  society 
may  naturally  be  discussed  under  three  heads: — (i)  the 
Classification  effect  of  the  contour  of  the  earth's  surface, 
of  External  (2)  the  effect  of  climate,  and  (3)  the  effect  of 
Influences.  £ne  things  directly  utilised  by  man,  both 
inorganic  and  organic.  Under  the  first  heading,  there 

1  Waitz,  Anthropologie,  I.  p.  38,  sqq. 

2  De  Greef,  Introduction  A  la  Socioloyie,  I.  p.  50. 


48  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

fall  influences  which  affect  a  social  group  as  a  whole; 
under  the  second  and  third,  influences  which  directly 
affect  individuals,  and  through  them  modify  the  character 
of  the  societies  which  they  constitute. 

Two  eminent  geologists,  B.  v.  Cotta  and  Zittel,  have 
explained  the  most  striking  difference  between  th*e  French 
1  Effect  of  anc^  ^e  German  peoples  as  the  result  of  the 
the  Contour  contour  of  their  respective  lands.  Paris  is 
of  the  Earth's  almost  in  the  centre  of  a  large  basin  including 
Surface.  mOre  than  half  of  France ;  by  nature  it  is  the 
political  centre  and  the  economic  centre  of  all  that 
region.  The  North  German  plain  is  the  only  consider- 
able geological  district  in  Germany ;  and  each  of  the 
small  districts  has  developed  its  own  peculiar  customs 
and  industries,  in  fact  its  own  culture.  It  is  impossible 
that  the  common  life  of  the  people,  or  its  national  life, 
should  be  so  centralised  as  in  France.1  The  attempt  to 
explain  a  people  by  its  land  is  almost  sure  to  end  in 
gross  exaggeration,  but  this  is  due  to  a  tendency  of 
human  nature,  not  to  any  weakness  of  the  method. 

The  physical  configuration  of  the  surface  is  an  im- 
portant factor  in  determining  the  size  of  the  social 
group.  Rich  valleys  separated  by  high  ridges 
determines  are  the  homes  of  small  groups  very  distinct 
the  Size  of  a  from  their  neighbours.  Among  uncivilised 
Social  Group.  racegj  rivers  united  more  closely  the  tribes 
living  on  their  banks,  and  mountain  ranges  proved  an 
effectual  barrier  to  intercourse  of  any  sort.  In  all 
history  these  influences  have  had  much  the  same  effect. 
Greece  was  a  country  for  small  states,  aside  from  the 
character  of  its  people;  the  plains  of  the  Nile  and  of 
the  Euphrates  were  countries  that  favoured  the  develop- 
ment of  a  common  life.  Apart  from  the  ease  with  which 
man's  wants  were  supplied  in  the  rich  river  basins  of 
warm  countries,  the  physical  fact' of  a  considerable  area 
sheltered  from  outside  interference  and  easily  traversed 

1  Honegger,  Allgemeinc  Kutturgeschickte,  I.  S.  182. 


THE  PHYSICAL  BASIS  OF  SOCIETY.  49 

by  water  or  by  land,  rendered  such  basins  the  natural 
seats  of  early  despotic  civilisations. 

Farther,  the  physical  configuration  determines  in  large 
measure  the  isolation  of  the  social  group.     Traces  of  the 

oldest  civilisation  in  Europe  are  found  in  deep 
(6)  Contour 
determines    valleys  of  the  Alps,  which  are  so  effectually 

the  isolation  separated  that  the  people  in  one  valley  cannot 
of  a  Social     easily  understand  the  language  of  those  in  the 

next  valley,  and  have  an  entirely  different 
moral  standard.1  Bohemia  is  so  surrounded  by  mountain 
ranges  that  the  culture  of  its  people  has  been  effectually 
isolated;  the  Czechs  are  surrounded  on  every  side  by 
Germans,  but  their  unity  and  national  life  have  not  been 
materially  affected  even  by  political  union  with  a 
German  people.  As  examples  of  the  other  side  of  this 
fact,  the  geographical  position  of  Greece  and  its  oppor- 
tunities for  contact  with  other  peoples,  were  a  necessary 
condition  of  the  development  of  Greek  civilisation.  It 
is  said  that  every  capital  city  in  Europe  is  a  port  with 
direct  access  to  the  sea.  Rome's  power  is  not  explained 
by  referring  to  seven  hills  on  the  bank  of  a  river,  not  far 
from  its  mouth,  but  it  is  evident  enough  that  the  rise  and 
extension  of  this  power  depended  largely  on  the  natural 
facilities  for  intercourse  with  other  nations. 

Finally,  the  contour  of  the  surface  determines  the  lines 

of  social  movement.     Physical  forces  always  follow  the 

Contour     lines  °f  least  resistance.     This  is  true  alike  of 

determines     the  projectile's  regular  curve,  and  the  light- 

the  Lines  of  ning's    jagged    path.      The    primitive    horde 

gradually  forms  beaten  paths  about  its  abode. 

These  paths  and  in  fact  all  intercourse  with 
other  peoples,  are  determined  by  the  easiest  courses,  and 
necessarily  avoid  all  obstacles.  Civilisation  and  culture 
follow  these  same  lines,  for  they  can  only  go  where  social 
and  economic  intercourse  have  preceded.  Caravans  still 
traverse  the  natural  courses  from  Egypt  int'o  Palestine, 

1  Marshall,  Principles  of  Economics,  I.  p.  231. 
E 


50  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

and  from  Babylonia  up  to  Syria.  These  ancient  avenues 
of  civilisation,  and  even  the  direction  which  civilisation 
should  take,  were  determined  by  the  contour  of  the 
earth's  surface.  War  and  conquest  have  always  followed 
lines  marked  out  for  them  beforehand.  Ancient  and 
modern  migration  has  been  similarly  directed.  Some- 
times the  course  of  an  ancient  horde  overrunning  a  part 
of  Europe,  can  be  followed  in  detail,  and  each  deviation 
from  a  straight  course  is  explained  by  natural  obstacles, 
or  by  the  physical  strength  of  those  already  in  possession 
of  the  soil.1  To-day,  emigration  is  from  some  crowded 
quarter,  along  the  lines  of  least  resistance,  to  the  spot 
which  seems  to  offer  opportunity  for  an  easier  and  richer 
life.  Every  re-distribution  of  the  parts  of  society  has  its 
physical  side,  and,  like  any  re-distribution  of  matter,  it 
follows  the  lines  of  least  resistance.  "  The  final  and 
highest  truths  of  the  geographical  sciences  are  included 
in  the  statement  that  the  structure  of  the  earth's  surface, 
and  the  differences  of  climate  dependent  upon  it,  visibly 
rule  the  course  of  development  for  our  race,  and  have 
determined  the  path  for  the  changes  of  the  seats  of 
culture  ;  so  that  a  glance  at  the  earth's  surface  permits  us 
to  see  the  course  of  human  history  as  determined  (or,  one 
may  say,  purposed)  from  the  beginning,  in  the  distribution 
of  land  and  water,  of  plains  and  heights."2 

The  second  group  of  external  influences  affecting  the 
development  of  a  race  are  denoted  by  the  word  climate ; 
-          and   first   among  these  climatic   influences   I 
of  Climate :    would  mention  light.     The  length  of  day  may 
Light,  Tem-  vary   but   slightly   the  year   through,  or   the 
perature,       whole   summer   may   be   a    day   and    all    the 
e<  winter  a  night.     This  of  course  affects  social 
life,  and  by  itself  makes  the  polar  regions  very  unfavour- 
able to  the  development  of  culture.     Again,  the  absence 
of  light  from  a  tropical  forest,  as  well  as  the  absence  of 

1  Humboldt,  quoted  by  Honegger,  KuUurgeschichte,  I.  S.  184. 

2  Feschel,  Geschichtc  der  Erdkunde,  S.  xv. 


THE  PHYSICAL  BASIS  OF  SOCIETY.  51 

protection  from  the  rays  of  the  sun  on  desert  sands,  can 
but  affect  the  life  of  the  individual  and  the  habits  of 
the  tribe. — A  second  climatic  factor  is  ternperatufe :  its 
absolute  height,  its  range  of  variations,  and  the  rapidity 
of  its  variations.  The  average  height  of  temperature 
has  a  two  -  fold  effect :  direct,  in  that  life  requires 
far  more .  to  sustain  it  in  colder  regions,  and  indirect, 
in  that  this  nourishment  is  far  more  difficult  to  obtain 
in  such  regions.  It  requires  comparatively  little  to 
sustain  life  in  the  Sandwich  Islands,  for  instance,  and 
the  necessary  fish  and  bananas  cost  but  little  effort.  The 
general  effect  of  a  decidedly  low  temperature  on  man 
or  animals,  is  to  decrease  the  stature  perceptibly,  and 
to  check  rapidity  of  development,  both  physical  and 
psychical.  Among  the  Esquimaux,  as  among  those 
Peruvians  who  dwell  at  a  great  height  above  the  sea, 
the  average  stature  is  decidedly  below  the  normal.  Near 
the  equator  children  are  even  more  precocious  than  in 
the  temperate  zone,  and  it  is  in  warm  countries,  e.g. 
in  Mexico,  that  the  ratio  of  births  to  the  population 
is  greatest.1  These  influences  affect  society  directly 
as  well  as  through  the  individual.  In  the  regions 
of  extreme  cold  cooperation  is  necessary  in  order  to 
obtain  a  livelihood,  while  at  best  the  effort  to  secure 
subsistence  absorbs  all  the  energy  that  is  developed,  so 
that  there  is  no  opportunity  for  progress.  Near  the 
equator  the  high  temperature  does  not  favour  the  habit 
of  work;2  uniformity  of  temperature  tends  to  make 
monotonous  lives ; 3  and  with  every  want  supplied, 
man  is  not  obliged  to  cooperate  with  his  fellows.  The 
temperate  zone,  with  moderate  climate  and  considerable 
changes  of  temperature,  proves  most  favourable  for  the 
development  of  man  and  of  society.  Such  a  climate 
makes  many  demands  on  men,  and  permits  the  develop- 

1  Waitz,  Anthropologie  I.   S.  43,  sqq.     Heusinger,    Grundsuge  d.  vgl. 
fhysiulotjie,  S.  211,  sqq. 
8  Waitz,  1.  395,  sqq. 
3  Crawfurd,  quoted  by  Honegger,  I.  S.  188. 


52  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

ment  of  the  greatest  energy  to  meet  these  demands. 
Here  the  individual  may  attain  his  highest  development, 
but  his  progress  is  conditioned  at  every  step  by  depen- 
dence on  an  advanced  type  of  society.1 — A  third  climatic 
factor  is  the  composition  of  the  air,  and  in  particular 
the  amount  of  moisture  it  contains.  A  Greek  proverb 
connects  sluggishness  and  mental  indifference  with  those 
who  lived  among  the  marshes  of  Boeotia.  Much  of  the 
African  coast  means  disease  and  death  to  foreigners 
who  are  not  accustomed  to  its  malarial  breezes.  Earity 
of  the  air,  as  well  as  its  dryness,  affects  the  throat 
and  lungs ;  and  doubtless  this  is  one  reason  for  the  fact  so 
often  asserted,  that  mountain  races  possess  more  vigour 
than  races  that  inhabit  low,  damp  plains.  Perhaps,  how- 
ever, the  most  important  effect  of  moisture  in  the  air  is 
indirect,  and  is  due  to  its  influence  on  vegetation. 

Thirdly,  the  character   of   society  is   modified  by  its 
locality,  because  the  forms  of  matter  and  of  life,  which 

are  directly  utilised  by  men,  vary  so  much  in 
is  Modified  different  parts  of  the  earth.  Animal  and 
by  what  it  vegetable  life  depend  immediately  on  the 
Utilises:  (a)  presence  of  water.  Man  may  have  reason 
Matfriahi  to  worsnip  water  as  the  principle  of  life,  as 

in  Greece  or  ancient  Babylonia;  or  to  regard 
it  as  the  principle  which  hinders  creation,  when  it  suggests 
to  him  impassable  forests  or  marshes.  In  any  case,  life 
and  civilisation  depend  upon  its  presence  in  suitable 
amount.  Again,  the  distribution  of  minerals,  especially 
the  metals,  has  had  a  very  important  influence  on  the 
development  of  society.  The  discovery  of  the  metals 
and  of  methods  of  utilising  them,  had  such  far-reaching 
effects  that  the  phrase  "  iron  age  "  or  "  bronze  age  "  is 
still  used  to  denote  the  new  stage  of  culture  which 
was  introduced  by  the  discovery  and  general  use  of  the 
metals.  The  presence  of  a  clay  suitable  for  pottery  is 
more  common,  but  none  the  less  important.  To-day, 
1  Colin,  System  der  Nationaloekonomie,  I.  S.  218,  A.  i. 


THE  PHYSICAL  BASIS  OF  SOCIETY.  53 

the  existence  of  mineral  wealth  and  of  coal  determines 
the  industry  of  a  country.  .Still  the  direct  influence 
of  what  the  soil  contains  is  far  less  than  its  indirect 
influence:  the  flora  and  the  fauna  of  a  district  depend 
upon  its  soil.1 

Logically,  the  effect  of  vegetation  would  be  considered 
before  the  effect  of  the  fauna  of  a  region,  but  as  a  matter 

of  history,  animal  life  has  become  a  potent 
Fauna0  factor  in  civilisation  long  before  vegetable  life. 

Doubtless,  roots,  nuts,  and  in  certain  instances 
fruits,  were  the  earliest  food  of  man;  but  the  lowest 
civilisations  with  which  we  are  familiar  have  weapons 
of  the  chase  as  perhaps  the  only  implements  of  civilisa- 
tion. A  hunting  people  exists  where  there  is  game,  and 
approximately  in  such  numbers  as  the  game  of  a  given 
region  will  support.  The  domestication  of  animals  is 
really  the  beginning  of  progress,  and  the  first  step  in 
progress  is  always  the  most  important.  The  constantly 
recurring  want  of  a  hunting  people  was  relieved  when 
a  regular  supply  of  milk  was  at  hand,  together  with 
flesh  when  that  was  desired.  A  far  larger  number  of 
individuals  could  be  supported  in  the  same  region,  when 
the  animals  that  furnished  food  were  regularly  bred  and 
pastured  by  man.  A  broader  and  more  permanent  social 
life  was  made  possible  when  the  food  supply  was  a  bond 
of  union  instead  of  a  centrifugal  force,  and  when  property 
in  herds  required  union  for  its  defence.  The  absence 
of  animals  suitable  for  domestication  on  the  American 
continent  is  one  reason  for  the  low  state  of  civilisation 
indigenous  there. 

The  vegetation  of  a  country,  real  and  possible,  deter- 
mines the  form  of  industrial  life ;  and  industrial  life  is 

at  the  basis  of  society.  The  steppes  of  Asia 
Vegetation  naturally  furnish  food  for  flocks,  and  a  nomadic 

people  occupy  them.  Eich  plains  in  the  river 
valleys  are  utilised  for  agriculture.  The  discovery  of  the 

1  Marshall,  Principles  of  Economics,  I.  p.  329 


54  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

cereals  suitable  for  food  was  hardly  less  important  than 
the  discovery  of  the  domestic  animals ;  and  it  marked  an 
immense  advance  beyond  the  latter  discovery,  because  it 
encouraged  a  settled  life,  and  removed  man  still  farther 
from  subjection  to  the  vicissitudes  of  nature.  A  given 
area  devoted  to  agriculture  will  support  a  population 
many  times  greater  than  when  it  is  devoted  to  grazing 
purposes.  Moreover,  agriculture  not  only  encourages  a 
settled  life,  but  it  almost  demands  a  stable  social  organisa- 
tion. Cereal  food  is  really  the  basis  of  civilisation.  The 
effect  of  the  soil,  as  the  most  important  factor  in  the 
industrial  environment,  is  no  less  to-day  than  in  the  past. 
However  we  may  interpret  the  so-called  Law  of  Diminish- 
ing Returns,  there  is  no  question  that  a  definite  density 
of  population  is  most  favourable  for  utilising  the  products 
of  the  soil,  and  that  when  the  population  rises  above  or 
falls  below  this  degree  of  density,  evil  consequences  ensue.1 
The  movements  of  population  also,  both  from  old  to  new 
countries,  and  from  the  country  to  the  city,  are  deter- 
mined primarily  by  the  opportunities  for  cultivating  new 
soils,  and  by  the  fact  that  barren  soils  are  thereby  thrown 
out  of  cultivation. 

Environment  alone  is  but  one  factor  in  the  physical 
life  of  society ;  it  is  equally  necessary  to  study  the 
B.  Race:  Race  correlative  factor,  the  race  that  lives  in  this 
Expansion,  environment.  In  the  first  place  the  facts  of 
Theory  of  race  persistence  and  race  expansion  demand 
opu  a  ion.  attention.  The  so-called  doctrine  of  popula- 
tion is  an  attempt  to  state  these  facts.  Speaking 
roughly,  we  may  say  that  the  growth  of  population 
is  determined  by  the  food-supply.  As  Malthus  pointed 
out,  plants  as  well  as  animals  tend  to  reproduce 
themselves  and  multiply  with  extreme  rapidity ;  but 
the  land  available  for  wheat-culture  is  limited,  and  only 
a  limited  number  of  animals  can  find  food,  accordingly 
the  available  food-supply  for  man  has  only  a  limited 
t  See  for  example,  Marshall,  Economics,  I.  pp.  191,  505  (217). 


THE  PHYSICAL  BASIS  OF  SOCIETY  55 

increase  from  year  to  year.  But  man,  as  well  as  any 
other  animal,  tends  to  multiply  far  more  rapidly  than 
the  food-supply  would  warrant,  and  unless  this  growth 
is  checked  in  other  ways,  misery  and  famine  will  prove 
a  most  effective  check.  There  are  a  few  races  which 
seem  to  have  become  unprolific,  so  that  they  are  actually 
dying  out ;  apart  from  these  exceptional  cases,  every 
race  known  to  us  has  the  capacity  of  multiplying  much 
faster  than  the  food-supply  increases ;  and,  as  a  matter 
of  fact,  the  net  increase  is  frequently  far  in  advance  of 
the  increase  in  food -supply  of  a  given  region.  Malthus 
claimed  that  the  natural  positive  checks  formerly  effective 
— war,  famine,  infanticide,  etc. — were  becoming  less  and 
less  operative,  and  that  if  society  did  not  voluntarily 
limit  the  number  added  to  it,  misery  would  constantly 
increase,  and  the  race  would  degenerate  instead  of  making 
progress. 

To-day  Europe  has  a  considerably  larger  population 
than  its  lands  will  support,  as  they  are  at  present 
Present  in-  Cultivated,  and  the  present  net  increase  of 
crease  of  two  and  a  half  millions  a  year  cannot  con- 
Population  tinue  indefinitely  to  find  support  from  other 
irope<  sources.  The  more  careful  study  of  statistics 
in  recent  years  seems  to  show  that  Malthus's  discussion 
of  "  natural,"  "  positive  "  checks,  was  imperfect,  and  that, 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  net  increase  in  population  follows 
quite  accurately  the  increased  means  of  subsistence. 
According  to  figures  quoted  by  Prof.  Marshall,  from  the 
Statistical  Journal  for  1885,  the  net  increase  per 
thousand  is,  in  general,  quite  independent  of  the  number 
of  births  per  thousand.  A  few  figures,  selected  from 
these  tables,  are  sufficient  to  show  the  drift  of  the  whole. 

Russia.  Hungary.   Saxony.   Bavaria,  Italy.   England.   Sweden.  France. 

Births     .     .   49-4  .    43"     .    42'4   .    39'5    .    36'8   .    35"!    .    30'2   .    25'4 

Deaths    .     .  357  .    38'2  .    29'     .    30'6   .    29'1    .    21'4   .    18'9   .    23'8 

Net  increase  137  .     4'8   .    13'4  .      8.9   .      77   .    137   .    11'3   .     1'6 

Apart  from  the  exceptional  case  of  France,  these  figures 


56  INTRODUCTION  7O  SOCIOLOGY. 

seem  to  show:  (i)  that  the  birth-rate  of  each  people  is 
more  than  sufficient  to  produce  the  number  who  can  find 
subsistence  under  the  conditions  now  actually  existing; 
(2)  that  the  death-rate  rapidly  increases  with  the  larger 
birth-rate,  so  that  the  net  increase  corresponds  closely 
to  the  increased  means  of  sustaining  human  life ;  (3)  that, 
in  general,  the  larger  increase  in  population  does  not 
correspond  with  an  increase  in  misery  and  degradation. 
It  is  only  in  Russia  that  the  rapid  increase  has  proved  to 
be  a  source  of  danger,  and  perhaps  of  decline.1 

There  can  be  no  question  that  these  facts,  proved  by 
statistics  for  modern  Europe,  are,  in  the  main,  true  of 
Increase  of  primitive  society.  There  has  always  been  the 
Population  in  same  lavish  supply  of  human  life,  the  same 

Uncivilised  pressure  of  population  upon  food  supply,  lead- 
Societies.  .  .,*  .,,  *  Jt 

ing  to  rapid  expansion  with  every  new  source 

of  food ;  and  though  we  may  not  be  able  to  explain  it, 
this  pressure  of  population  upon  food  supply  has  not,  as 
a  rule,  been  so  close  as  to  produce  misery  and  degrada- 
tion. The  check  to  real  over-population  is  very  severe, 
but  actual  famine  is  generally  due  to  vicissitude  in  the 
supply  of  food  rather  than  to  over -population.  We 
may  suppose  that  in  primitive  society,  as  in  later  times, 
population  will  vary  only  slightly  while  the  sources  of 
food  remain  the  same;  that  in  places  where  the  food 
supply  is  very  abundant,  the  population  will  rapidly 
increase,  and  that  this  expansion  will  result  in  emigra- 
tion to  districts  less  favoured ;  finally,  that  every  new 
device  or  practice  which  makes  the  food  supply  more 
abundant  and  more  constant,  will  occasion  a  rapid  in- 
crease in  population. 

Turning  from  the  comparatively  simple  matter  of  race 
expansion,  we  immediately  find  an  obstacle  to  the  farther 


1  A.  Dumont,  Depopulation  et  civilisation,  Paris,  1890,  gives  an 
interesting  discussion  of  the  special  case  of  France,  as  well  as  farther 
statistics  with  reference  to  the  general  problem.  The  main  value  of  the 
work  lies  in  its  careful  analysis  of  local  statistics  in  France. 


THE  PHYSICAL  BASIS  OF  SOCIETY.  57 

study  of  the  race,  in  that  the  word  itself  raises  so  many 
questions.  In  familiar  language,  the  word  race 
8  *s  use(^  to  Denote  the  fact  that  men  are  bound 
together  by  something  more,  by  something 
that  lies  deeper  in  their  nature,  than  the  mere  physical 
contiguity.  But  while  this  truth  cannot  be  denied,  and 
we  continue  to  use  the  word  race  to  denote  it,  still 
ethnologists  have  come  to  no  agreement  as  to  what 
constitutes  a  race,  and  are  in  dispute  even  as  to  the 
extent  of  acknowledged  races.  One  thing  at  least  is 
clear,  namely,  that,  under  ordinary  conditions,  men  can 
only  live  in  groups  strong  enough  to  protect  themselves ; 
the  unarmed  individual  is  no  match  for  other  animals, 
even  if  he  is  able  to  obtain  food  and  to  protect  himself 
against  the  weather.  And,  farther,  these  groups  must  be 
small  enough  so  that  the  members  can  work  together  and 
not  too  large  to  find  a  supply  of  food  in  a  comparatively 
limited  area.  Such  a  unit,  which  we  may  call  the  tribe, 
is  the  actual  working  unit  of  early  society ;  in  it  is 
developed  and  perpetuated  the  culture  by  which  it  comes 
to  be  essentially  different  from  other  tribes.  This  semi- 
political  unit  may  contain  individuals  of  such  different 
character  and  antecedents  that  they  are  to  be  classified 
under  different  races,  but  in  most  cases  a  real  likeness 
lies  at  the  basis  of  the  group,  and  is  farther  developed 
by  the  common  life.  On  the  other  hand,  the  race  will 
frequently  extend  beyond  the  tribe,  for  the  tribe  is 
definitely  limited  in  number  by  its  circumstances,  while 
a  prolific  stock  may  speedily  exceed  these  bounds,  and 
make  necessary  a  division  of  the  tribe. 

The  essential  likeness  which  leads  an  observer  to 
classify  a  group  of  men  as  a  race,  is  ordinarily  due  to 
The  Race  blood-relationship.  The  physical  character  of 
and  Blood-  the  individuals  composing  the  group  is  origin- 
Beiationship.  ajjv  determined  by  their  parents ;  their  indi- 
vidual energy  is  largely  a  matter  of  birth  and  training; 
the  habits,  the  needs,  and  the  ends  towards  which  action 


58  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

is  ordinarily  directed,  are  influenced  but  very  slowly,  if 
at  all,  by  environment.  These  characteristics,  which  are 
grouped  under  the  general  name  of  heredity,  may  be 
called  the  internal  factors  correlative  to  the  external 
influences  of  environment.  Blood-relationship  has  a 
two-fold  effect  in  the  formation  of  social  groups:  (i) 
Descendants  of  the  same  ancestors  have  the  same 
physical  nature,  and  a  tendency  to  develop  the  same 
psychical  characteristics,  so  that  social  relations  arise 
more  easily  between  them,  and  can  become  more  inti- 
mate; (2)  Children  require  care  from  the  mother  for  a 
considerable  period  in  order  that  they  may  survive  at 
all;  and  the  common  life  during  this  period  naturally 
develops  into  a  higher  social  life  later.1  With  the 
development  of  the  family,  and  the  distinct  recognition 
of  the  importance  of  the  blood-tie,  the  effect  of  blood- 
relationship  on  the  formation  of  social  groups  becomes 
far  more  important  On  this  basis  of  common  blood, 
there  arises  a  sense  of  relationship  to  others  than  the 
members  of  one's  own  tribe  or  city,  and  the  race  becomes 
the  larger  social  unit  within  which  new  rights  and  new 
duties  are  to  be  realised.  At  the  same  time,  a  real  or 
fictitious  blood-relationship  becomes  the  basis  of  a  more 
rigid  structure  of  the  tribe  itself. 

The  origin  of  whatever  unity  the  race  may  possess,  has 
been  made  evident  by  the  two  preceding  paragraphs. 
Men  are  or  tend  to  be  alike,  when  they  have 
^e  same  ancestry.  This  likeness  due  to  blood- 
relationship  is  realised  and  developed  in  a 
common  life.  In  general,  race-unity  is  simply  a  matter 
of  likeness,  accordingly  the  scientific  observer  may  draw 
the  lines  much  as  he  chooses ;  it  has  depended  largely  on 
the  temperament  of  the  observer,  whether  he  makes  a 
few  large  races  or  numerous  small  races.  The  question 

1  It  is  said  that  among  animals  those  born  of  the  same  mother  live 
together  until  there  is  some  definite  occasion  for  their  separation. 
Espinas,  Societes,  pp.  459  sqq. 


THE  PHYSICAL  BASIS  OF  SOCIETY.  59 

does  not  assume  any  great  importance,  except  when  the 
persistence  of  race  characteristics  is  treated  as  the  im- 
portant factor  in  the  development  of  culture.  Looking 
back  over  the  course  of  history,  we  naturally  speak  of 
the  work  of  the  Hebrew  race,  or  of  the  Greek  race,  and 
we  postulate  a  genius  of  the  race  as  the  correlate  of  the 
work  which  it  has  accomplished.  In  these  instances, 
however,  and  ordinarily  when  the  race  has  accomplished 
some  definite  mission,  the  unity  of  the  race  is  no  mere 
fiction  of  the  scientist,  but  it  has  come  to  be  recognised 
by  the  race  itself.  A  race  which  is  conscious  of  itself 
becomes  thereby  a  unit,  and  its  institutions  will  bear  the 
race-mark  with  increasing  distinctness.  When  races  that 
are  quite  distinct  come  into  contact  with  each  other, 
such  self-consciousness  is  rapidly  developed  and  becomes 
the  determining  feature  of  the  social  organisation. 

There  are  thus  two  factors  determining  the  life  of 
society,  when  this  is  considered  from  the  physical  stand- 
point :  the  external  factor  of  locality,  and  the 
persistence  interna^  factor  of  heredity.  The  influences  of 
locality  are  very  strong  in  determining  the 
course  of  social  movements  and  the  character  of  social 
organisation.  In  the  new  environment  the  individual 
develops  differently,  new  modes  of  social  activity  arise, 
and  the  institutions  that  have  originated  under  other 
circumstances,  may  be  profoundly  modified.  After  all 
this  has  been  said,  the  facts  of  race-persistence  remain 
and  cannot  be  neglected.  Two  races  may  be  crossed  and 
become  blended  into  one,  as  has  been  the  case  in  Mexico, 
or  the  weaker  race  may  gradually  die  away  before  the 
stronger.  But  the  influences  of  locality  alone  have  never 
been  sufficient  to  assimilate  two  really  different  races ; 
in  America  the  power  of  the  same  climate,  the  same 
language,  and  the  same  social  institutions,  has  not  proved 
sufficient  by  itself  to  obliterate  former  differences  between 
Indo-European  races.  Without  accepting  the  results  of 
those  writers  who  profess  to  be  able  to  analyse  the 


60  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

population  of  England  or  of  France  into  numerous 
distinct  ethnic  elements,  we  cannot  fail  to  see  that  the 
effect  of  locality  on  the  influences  that  are -grouped  under 
the  name  of  heredity,  is  measured  only  by  centuries  or 
by  tens  of  centuries,  and  that  new  and  higher  races  are 
generally  formed  by  the  amalgamation  of  races  originally 
distinct. 


CHAPTER  III. 

ASSOCIATION  :    THE  RELATION   OF  MEN  IN  SOCIETY. 

IN  the  preceding  chapter,  the  social  group  has  been  con- 
sidered as  a  physical  object  determined  by  physical  causes ; 
The  Social  ^ut  ^e  un^y  of  a  social  group  is  not  fully 
Group  not  explained  by  saying  that  it  was  "  made  so 
merely  from  outside,"  or  that  it  was  "born  so."  To 

stop  here,  is  to  let  the  lower  truth  take  the 
place  of  the  higher — a  result  that  is  fatal  to  all  science. 
Chemistry  and  physics  do  not  take  the  place  of  biology, 
though  familiarity  with  these  sciences  is  the  necessary 
basis  of  any  advance  to  a  broader  and  more  scientific 
biology.  The  physiology  of  the  brain  is  the  basis  of 
a  true  psychology;  it  can  never  take  the  place  of 
psychology  and  logic,  but  it  is  rather  the  condition  of 
progress  in  these  branches.  Similarly  the  study  of 
society  from  the  physical  side  is  only  the  basis  of  a 
study  that  is  both  broader  and  more  direct.  A  society 
is  a  group  of  men ;  as  such  it  must  be  studied  and  ex- 
plained, if  sociology  is  to  be  more  than  an  empty  name. 

Two  theories  frequently  advanced  with  reference  to  the 
relation  of  men  in  society,  are  suggested  by  the  phrases, 

"  man  a  social  animal  "  and  "  social  cohesion." 
Feeling:  Man  The  study  of  society  has  often  begun  and 
not  naturally  ended  with  the  statement  that  man  is  a 

social  animal,  as  though  this  were  a  fact  too 
Animal.  .  .  . 

familiar  to  need  discussion  or  criticism. 
Certainly  civilisation  makes  man  pre-eminently  the 
social  animal  (£u>oi>  TTO\ITIKOV),  but  by  nature  he  may 


62  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

be  a.  very  different  being.  The  study  of  uncivilised 
races  to-day  shows  clearly  that  this  is  possible ;  the 
lower  type  of  Veddahs  in  Ceylon  and  of  Hottentots 
in  Africa  live  in  scattered  groups  of  two  or  three  or 
four,  with  no  more  sociability  than  is  found  among 
gorillas.  If  man  is  not  necessarily  and  universally  a 
social  being,  the  phrase  demands  investigation  before  it 
can  be  accepted  as  the  whole  philosophy  of  society. 

In  truth,  both  social  and  unsocial  tendencies  are  at 
work  in  each  stage  of  social  development;  some  forces 

tending  to  draw  men  closer  together  in  society, 
Influences  .     . 

for  and          and  others  tending  to  break  up  the  societies 

against         thus  formed.     In  the  world  of  any  creature, 

o       "    l»M  * 4. 

'  l  y>  those  of  its  own  kind  are  the  most  prominent 
objects,  and  the  beings  about  which  sentiments  of  aversion 
or  of  pleasure  are  sure  to  cluster.  In  early  stages  of 
civilisation  jealousy  appears  at  least  as  soon  and  as 
commonly  as  sympathy,  and  anger  is  by  no  means  a 
product  of  civilisation.  The  bitterest  conflicts  arise 
among  those  who  are  seeking  the  same  thing,  so  that 
association  itself  leads  to  strife,  and  even  in  the  effort 
to  unite  men  are  driven  farther  apart.  But  oftentimes 
co-operation  is  the  only  means  of  obtaining  any  success ; 
the  individual  alone  cannot  protect  himself  against  attack, 
nor  can  he  win  from  nature  the  means  of  subsistence. 
Under  such  circumstances  the  feeling  of  loneliness 
becomes  unendurable,  for  it  is  associated  with  the  sense 
of  imminent  danger.  The  mere  presence  of  other  men 
produces  a  feeling  of  security  and  satisfaction.  The 
various  forces  of  an  advanced  civilisation  work  in  the 
same  manner,  strengthening  the  bonds  that  unite  one 
group  and  weakening  those  that  unite  another.  A  few 
years  ago,  the  workmen  employed  to  unload  vessels  at 
the  London  docks  were  chosen  each  morning  from  among 
scores  of  hungry  men  who  fought  with  one  another  to 
secure  the  chance  to  work.  This  unsocialising  influence 
was  entirely  reversed  when  two  or  three  able  leaders 


THE  RELATION  OF  MEN  IN  SOCIETY.         63 

convinced  the  men  that  their  ends  were  better  gained  by 
union ;  and  now  the  dock  labour,  like  the  older  trades, 
is  so  organised  that  a  common  occupation  binds  the 
workers  together. 

In  the  long  run,  the  necessities  of  man's  position 
decide  between  the  influences  that  strengthen  social 

bonds  and  those  that  tend  to  destroy  society. 
Natural  J      .         • 

Selection       Ordinarily,   man   must    be   a  social    being  in 

favours  the  order  to  survive ;  for  progress,  social  life  is 
Gregarious  absolutely  necessary.  So  far  as  primitive  man 
is  concerned,  there  is  some  reason  for  thinking 
that  he  was  not  of  choice  a  gregarious  animal,  but  that  a 
certain  low  degree  of  social  life  was  generally  necessary 
for  his  survival.  The  process  of  natural  selection  clearly 
results  in  the  development  of  a  gregarious  instinct,  for 
those  who  do  not  learn  to  enjoy  the  presence  of  their 
fellows  have  to  contend  single-handed  with  hostile  forces, 
both  physical  and  human.  And  progress  always  pre- 
supposes the  social  instinct;  a  tribe  makes  progress  by 
reason  of  its  strength  and  its  quickness  to  learn,  and 
both  strength  and  quickness  to  learn  depend  on  the  social 
instinct  that  binds  a  tribe  together  and  keeps  it  in  active 
relation  with  other  tribes.  Progress  for  the  individual 
means  a  larger  share  in  the  developing  common  life,  it 
pre-supposes  the  social  man.  Genuine  progress  of  society 
demands  increasing  solidarity  in  the  component  social 
groups ;  bonds  of  feeling,  not  simply  of  function,  must 
unite  these  groups.  Cases  where  this  does  not  occur  are 
abnormal  if  not  uncommon,  and  such  groups  carry  in 
themselves  the  seeds  of  their  own  disruption. 

The  bond  of  sentiment  that  unites  men  in  society  may 
be  fairly  described  as  mutual  delight  in  companionship 
Sentiment  with  each  other.  It  involves  readiness  both 
as  a  Social  to  give  and  to  receive,  though  the  different 
Bond.  elements  perhaps  never  receive  the  same 

emphasis  in  any  two  persons.  It  involves  the  readiness 
to  give;  to  give  one's  time  and  interest  in  the  service 


64  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

of  others,  to  sympathise  with  their  various  emotions,  to 
make  allowance  for  their  weaknesses,  to  recognise  and 
admire  what  is  excellent  in  them.  On  the  other  hand,  it 
involves  also  a  readiness  to  receive.  Enjoyment  of 
service  and  adulation  is  a  sentiment  that  plays  no  small 
part  in  the  social  and,  indeed,  in  the  political  world. 
But  in  the  purest  types  of  friendship,  enjoyment  of  the 
service  that  love  renders  is  as  truly  important  as  joy  in 
serving.  Reciprocal  pleasure  in  companionship  performs 
a  most  important  function  in  welding  together  classes  of 
men  into  real  societies.  It  is  not  merely  nature's  stamp 
of  approval  on  the  utility  of  companionship ;  it  becomes 
an  additional  bond  uniting  men  in  society  more  firmly, 
and  assisting  in  the  constant  assimilation  of  hetero- 
geneous factors.1 

"Social  cohesion"  is  a  second  phrase  sometimes  used  to 
describe  the  union  of  men  in  a  social  group.  A  phrase 
2  Bonds  of  so  convenient  often  serves  instead  of  any 
common  investigation  of  the  facts,  and  satisfies  those 
Function.  wno  are  content  with  a  new  word  as  an 
explanation  ;  but  it  is  just  about  as  scientific  as  would  be 
the  phrase  "  biological  cohesion."  The  parts  of  an  animal 
are  indeed  bound  together — they  have  a  physical  relation 
depending  on  propinquity;  but  the  whole  question  is 
why  they  are  thus  bound  together.  The  metaphor  from 
physical  science  is  peculiarly  inapt,  because  it  implies 
that  the  component  elements  are  uniform,  and  that  the 
law  of  their  relation  is  .very  simple.  In  this  sense  it 
might  be  fair  to  speak  of  the  cohesion  of  a  flock  of 
sheep ;  but  so  far  as  organised  society  is  concerned,  all 
that  the  metaphor  suggests  beyond  the  mere  fact  of 
relation  is  false. 

Biology  furnishes  an  analogy  that  is  richer  and  much 
nearer  the  truth.  The  question  as  to  the  bonds  which 
unite  the  molecules  in  an  animal's  lung  or  brain  may 

1  On  the  importance  of  Sentiment  as  a  Social  Bond,  cf.  Xovicow, 
Lcs  luttea  entre  soctiUs  humaines,  livre  II.  chap.  vi. 


THE  RELATION  OF  MEN  IN  SOCIETY.         65 

receive  two  answers.  Undoubtedly  the  union  can  be 
The  Bioloel-  s^at<e^  i*1  terms  of  physical  and  chemical  forces, 
cal  Organ  has  Chemical  affinity,  physical  cohesion,  etc.  deter- 
a  Unity  of  mine  the  place  and  movement  of  each  atom 

of  matter.  It  is  possible  to  ask  the  reason  for 
the  particular  arrangement,  and  to  get  a  more  important 
if  not  a  truer  answer.  Biology  recognises  that  the 
character  of  an  organ  is  determined  by  its  function,  its 
parts  are  arranged  as  they  are,  and  change  as  they  do, 
because  the  organ  performs  a  definite  function  in  relation 
to  the  other  parts  of  the  organism.  The  real  bond  that 
unites  the  parts  of  a  lung  is  the  fact  that  each  part 
shares  in  the  function  of  the  lung  and  contributes  to  the 
performance  of  that  function.  The  parts  form  a  whole 
because  they  work  together.  All  that  chemistry  can 
contribute  to  the  knowledge  of  the  manner  of  the  process, 
the  biologist  gladly  welcomes ;  the  fact  of  the  process, 
and  of  the  unity  which  it  implies,  he  knows  to  begin 
with. 

The  unity  of  a  society  also  is  functional,  and  not 
simple  "  cohesion."  The  social  group  is  not  determined 
A  Social  ^7  any  single  factor,  nor  does  an  enumeration 
Group  has  a  of  its  different  parts  tell  the  whole  truth. 
Unity  of  The  group  is  one  because  it  has  a  common 

life,  because  its  members  are  united  in  the 
performance  of  a  common  function.  Members  of  the 
family  depend  on  each  other,  and  together  they  serve 
a  common  end  in  the  larger  group.  Persons  of  the  same 
rank  in  the  social  scale  perform  much  the  same  functions 
for  society,  so  that  they  easily  develop  a  common  life  and 
a  direct  interdependence.  In  the  industrial  world,  or  in 
the  intellectual  world,  groups  are  determined  in  the  same 
manner.  Men  hunt  together  or  spin  'together,  and  the 
permanence  of  the  common  activity  is  the  measure  of 
the  permanence  of  the  group.  Voluntarily  or  not,  men 
of  the  same  period  unite  in  the  search  for  truth,  and  the 
intellectual  group  is  determined  by  the  extent  of  the 
F 


66  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

common  intellectual  activity.  *A  share  in  the  same 
activity,  the  performance  of  a  common  function,  in  itself 
unites  individuals  in  functional  groups.  Performance  of 
different  functions  with  reference  to  a  common  whole 
tends  to  separate  one  social  aggregate  from  another ;  yet 
at  the  same  time  it  emphasises  the  bonds  that  unite  each 
part  into  a  definite  group,  and  it  connects  the  groups 
into  a  compound  whole. 

The  study  of  social  evolution  sheds  much  light  on  the 
character  of  the  bonds  that  consist  in  a  common  function. 
In  the  development  of  society  new  needs  are 
-constantly  beinS  developed;  as  they  arise 
ties  and  of  they  are  met  by  new  forms  of  social  activity ; 
Groups  in  an(j  the  S0cial  "  organs "  which  have  been 
lution  adjusted  to  one  set  of  activities,  must  change 

so  as  to  perform  the  more  complex  activities. 
In  this  process  social  groups  are  gradually  made  more 
definite  and  more  stable,  as  the  function  in  which  their 
members  unite  is  defined.  A  primitive  group  with  no 
sharp  line  either  circumscribing  it  or  dividing  its  parts,  is 
the  basis  of  the  family  and  the  state.  A  confused  idea 
of  blood-relationship  grows  clearer  and  more  definite 
until  at  length  it  assumes  the  form  best  adapted  to  secure 
permanence.  Separation  of  the  industrial  and  military 
forms  of  activity  causes  a  separation  into  industrial  and 
military  classes.  The  function  of  a  group,  at  first  so  vague, 
is  gradually  defined,  and  in  consequence  the  group  itself  is 
more  sharply  defined  from  other  groups.  In  a  word,  the 
study  of  social  evolution  makes  it  clear  that  a  definite 
form  of  social  activity  and  a  definite  group  of  men 
engaged  in  that  activity  arise  simultaneously ;  that  is  to 
say,  the  social  group  is  determined  from  within,  and  the 
bond  which  unites  its  members  is  their  share  in  the 
particular  activity. 

The  differentiation  of  social  functions  and  social  groups 
results  in  making  the  bonds  that  unite  men  in  a  common 
activity  more  definite,  more  various,  and  more  permanent. 


THE  RELATION  OF  MEN  IN  SOCIETY.         67 

• 

In  the  primitive  "  horde  "  no  clearly  defined  bonds  united 

.  the  members.     The  group  was  largely  deter- 

become  more  mined   from   without,  and   the   only  internal 

Definite,        bond  was  due  to  those  influences  which  are 

Various,  usually  ascribed  to  heredity.  The  beginnings 
Permanent.  .  '....  ,  -,  •  -,  .  •  /  •  ,- 

of  a  political  and  industrial  organisation  meant 

more  definite  bonds  uniting  men  in  society,  because  it 
meant  more  definite  functions  in  the  performance  of 
which  men  were  associated.  The  industrial  and  the 
social  and  the  legal  and  political  forms  of  activity 
were  gradually  separated,  until  each  individual  had 
his  economic  position  in  society,  his  social  position,  and 
his  political  position.  In  each  form  of  activity  he  was 
united  with  a  class  of  associates  that  were  not  quite  the 
same  in  any  two  cases.  In  each  new  form  of  activity  he 
gained  new  power,  and,  at  the  same  time,  he  became  more 
dependent  on  society ;  power  and  dependence  alike  are 
signs  of  the  common  life  of  which  he  has  come  to  be  a  part. 
Each  new  form  of  activity  was  a  new  and  stronger  bond 
uniting  him  with  his  fellows.  To-day  the  economic  forms 
of  social  activity  are  so  complex  that  they  almost  defy 
analysis,  and  it  is  only  possible  to  describe  the  most 
important  varieties.  Finally  the  differentiation  of  social 
functions  and  social  groups  makes  social  ties  more 
permanent.  A  man  is  bound  to  his  neighbours  in  a 
hundred  ways  instead  of  one,  and  if  the  social  structure 
is  weak  in  one  spot,  strength  elsewhere  is  likely  to 
prevent  its  overthrow.  The  natural  sentiment  which 
led  to  a  marriage  may  disappear;  but  respect  for  public 
opinion,  or  the  legal  difficulties  of  divorce,  or  the  diffi- 
culty of  meeting  the  needs  of  life  alone,  may  any 
one  of  them  suffice  to  prevent  the  breaking  up  of  the 
family. 

The  farther  results  of  social  evolution  have  affected  the 
functional  bonds,  and  the  groups  which  were  united  by 
these  bonds,  differently  in  accordance  with  the  character 
of  the  social  group.  In  contrast  with  other  social  groups 


68  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

» 

that  expand  as  they  develop,  the  family  is  by  nature  a 
Solidarity  closed  group,  and  the  whole  process  of  evolu- 
of  the  tion  tends  to  emphasise  this  characteristic. 

Family  Wherever  the  family  has  been  expanded,  it 
has  lost  its  essential  character  and  has  failed 
to  perform  its  function  properly.  The  evolution  of 
the  social  bonds  is  none  the  less  evident  in  the  case 
of  the  family,  and  in  the  process  of  evolution  the 
character  of  this  social  bond  appears  very  clearly.  The 
family  has  become  more  sharply  defined  and  more  per- 
manent with  each  advance  of  culture;  in  particular  it 
has  been  solidified  as  the  forms  of  activity  into  which 
it  has  entered  have  become  more  various  and  more 
definite.  The  bond  once  easily  sundered,  became  far 
stronger  when  the  family  entered  as  a  definite  unit 
into  industrial  activity,  for  economic  solidarity  was  a 
stronger  bond  than  the  merely  domestic  or  social  union. 
And  as  the  members  of  the  family  share  the  same 
intellectual  life,  thus  forming  one  body  intellectually; 
as  they  become  distinctly  one  in  the  eyes  of  the  law 
and  in  their  relation  to  the  state ;  as  they  enter  together 
into  new  and  higher  forms  of  moral  and  religious  life, 
the  solidarity  of  the  family  is  indefinitely  increased. 
A  common  share  in  new  forms  of  life  means  that 
new  bonds  unite  the  members  of  a  group,  and  that 
by  these  bonds  the  closed  group  is  solidified  and  made 
more  permanent. 

The  results  of  evolution  on  social  groups  and  the 
bonds  that  unite  them,  may  be  more  apparent,  though 
Ex  ansive  certainly  not  more  important,  in  the  case  of 
Social  expansive  groups.  Here  the  new  complexity 

Groups          has  full  opportunity  to  show  itself  in  uniting 

increase  in  ,  ,  -\  ?  .1 

Extent  men  °  new  SrouPs  as  tnev  perform  the  new 
activities.  As  the  life  of  a  given  set  of  men 
grows  more  complex,  the  inner  structure  of  the  group 
shares  the  complexity;  wherever  it  is  possible  the  new 
complex  life  reaches  out  beyond  a  given  group,  and 


THE  RELATION  OF  MEN  IN  SOCIETY.         69 

social  ties  connect  larger  and  larger  numbers  in  society. 
The  si2e  of  a  society  depends  ultimately  on  the  extent 
to  which  its  common  life  may  reach,  and  on  the  perma- 
nence to  which  the  common  life  is  adapted.  Increasing 
complexity  of  social  life  requires  a  constantly  expanding 
social  structure,  and  firmly  binds  together  the  different 
parts  of  this  growing  structure.  A  complex  social  life 
requires  an  increasingly  stable  social  structure,  and  makes 
the  structure  stable  by  the  great  variety  of  bonds  uniting 
each  part  with  many  other  parts.  The  most  apparent 
result  of  the  larger  common  life  and  of  the  new  bonds 
by  which  it  unites  individuals,  is  the  rapid  increase  in 
the  extent  of  the  society  thus  formed. 

The  word  association,  which  is  ordinarily  used  to 
express  the  relation  of  men  in  society,  has  hardly  been 
1  Attractive  Justified  by  the  discussion  thus  far.  We  have 
Forces,  seen  that  man  is  or  becomes,  in  some  measure, 
based  in  a  social  creature,  and  that  he  learns  to  enjoy 
more  and  more  the  very  presence  of  com- 
panions. This  pleasure  is  often  independent  of  any 
mutual  services,  though  it  is  almost  sure  to  arise  in 
connection  with  such  services.  Man  is  not  wholly  unlike 
the  gregarious  animals  ;  society  is  bound  together  directly 
by  bonds  of  feeling  that  may  be  described  as  attractive 
forces. 

In  regard  to  these  forces,  it  may  be  observed,  first, 
that  they  are  due  to  the  character  of  the  individuals  in 

society,  and  that  they  increase  or  decrease  as 
These  Forces    ,         J  .     ,.    .,      ,       ,J  .   ,„ 

a  part  of  the  these    individuals    become    "more   social      or 

Psychical      "less  social."     Even  when  such  abstraction  is 

Character  of  mac{e  the  direct  end,  it  is  hardly  possible  to 
Individuals. 

study  these  bonds  apart  from  the  men  they 

hold  together,  for  they  form  a  part  of  the  life  of  indi- 
viduals. And  secondly,  these  bonds  due  to  pleasure  in 
companionship,  are  not  primarily  physical  in  character, 
but  rather  psychical.  The  social  and  the  unsocial  man 
cannot  be  immediately  distinguished  by  any  physical 


70  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

difference,  and  there  is  little  reason  to  believe  that  these 
traits  are  transmitted  from  father  to  son  by  heredity. 
Men  enjoy  the  society  of  others  when  they  have  been 
trained  to  enjoy  it ;  social  life  then  is  a  product  of  culture. 
Pleasure  in  society  is  the  result  of  men's  relation  to  a 
social  and  a  moral  environment,  not  of  their  relation  to 
the  physical  environment.  Delight  in  companionship  is 
a  psychical  fact;  it  is  a  function  of  the  individual's 
psychical  life.  The  true  name  for  the  union  of  men  in 
society  is  association. 

A  biological  metaphor  has  proved  useful  in  describing 
the  general  character  of  a  social  group.  Society  is  so  far 
2  Functional an  organism  that  its  unity  is  determined  by 
Bonds,  due  its  life,  and  the  unity  of  each  part  is  deter- 
to  Common  mined  by  its  function  in  the  life  of  the  whole. 
The  social  group  is  one  because  it  acts 
together,  the  true  unity  of  society  is  functional. 

Here,  again,  it  is  clear  that  the  change  from  an 
unsocial  to  a  social  state  is  simply  a  change  in  the  indi- 
viduals forming  the  new  group.  No  new 
also  wart  of  Power  nas  appeared  above  and  outside  these 
the  Psychical  men  to  make  them  work  together  and  to 
Character  restrain  their  selfish  tendencies.  They  have 
Individual  learned  to  depend  on  each  other;  as  a  body 
they  can  accomplish  what  is  impossible  for 
any  one  to  accomplish  alone.  The  individual  is  so 
changed  that  he  can  only  live  in  a  complex  group. 
The  social  bonds  due  to  a  common  activity,  are  func- 
tions of  the  individual  life.  Secondly,  it  may  be  said  of 
the  bonds  due  to  a  share  in  the  social  activity,  as  of  the 
bonds  due  to  pleasure  in  the  presence  of  others,  that  they 
are  primarily  psychical  in  their  character.  In  fact,  as 
man  becomes  a  social  being,  it  is  not  so  much  his  body 
that  is  changed,  as  it  is  the  world  in  which  he  lives. 
This  was  an  animal's  world  in  which  many  things  were 
to  be  feared,  and  a  few  were  to  be  utilised  to  satisfy 
appetite.  It  becomes  a  human  world,  in  which  the 


THE  RELATION  OF  MEN  IN  SOCIETY.         71 

important  facts  are  not  things  but  men,  and  life  is  made 
up  of  man's  relations  to  his  fellows.  Even  the  very 
things  in  nature  are  changing,  as  men  gain  a  larger 
scientific  horizon,  and  as  they  find  new  means  of  utilising 
the  gifts  of  nature.  The  world  in  which  a  man  lives  is 
the  world  in  which  he  has  been  brought  up ;  this  world 
of  experience  is  a  social  fact,  developed  in  society,  and 
the  same  for  the  same  social  group.  The  development  of 
social  life  is  a  psychical  process ;  man,  in  company  with 
his  fellows,  is  developing  a  faculty  of  reason. 

The  word  association  naturally  refers  to  the  psychical 
relation  of  well-marked  psychical  units.  The  scientific 
Meaning  study  of  society  does  not  change  this  idea,  but 
of  "Associa-  simply  develops  it.  A  man's  delight  in  the 
tion."  presence  of  other  men  is  no  mere  animal 

gregariousness ;  it  is  the  delight  of  mind  in  contact  with 
mind.  Individuals  choose  this  social  life  because  it 
alone  affords  pleasure  that  can  be  called  human.  The 
more  important  bonds  due  to  a  share  in  the  common 
activity  are  never  fully  described  by  any  terms  from 
biology.  This  common  activity  means  the  development 
and  activity  of  reason ,  its  character  is  essentially 
psychical.  Moreover,  its  development  is  the  develop- 
ment of  individuals,  and  the  common  activity  is  the 
conscious  effort  of  men  to  realise  ends  which  they 
consciously  propose  to  themselves. 

The  preceding  chapter  discussed  the  physical  basis  of 
social  life,  and  it  remains  to  suggest  the  relation  between 
Conditions  this  physical  basis  and  the  psychical  life  which 
favouring  is  developed  from  it.  This  is  simply  a  ques- 
Association.  t^on  ag  to  ^  con(jitions  favouring  the  develop- 
ment of  association.  Complex  society  shows  two  sets  of 
influences  at  work,  influences  tending  directly  to  aggrega- 
tion and  assimilation,  and  influences  tending  to  separate 
and  differentiate  social  elements.  Each  of  these  sets  of 
influences  in  its  own  way  favours  the  growth  of  associa- 
tion. This  is  clear  enough  in  the  case  of  the  assimilating 


72  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

influences ;  men  in  the  same  locality  come  to  share  the 
same  culture,  society  tends  to  become  one,  and  its 
members  enter  into  more  and  more  intimate  relations. 
The  same  effect,  only  within  a  more  limited  area,  is 
produced  by  differentiating  influences.  The  relation 
between  employer  and  employed  involves  certain  hostile 
elements  which  have  been  greatly  emphasised  in  the 
present  century.  The  direct  effect  of  this  is  to  bring  the 
members  of  each  class  into  closer  relation  with  other 
members  of  the  same  class.  The  attitude  of  common 
hostility  on  the  part  of  a  class  not  only  adds  a  new  bond 
of  considerable  power,  but  it  has  a  far  more  important 
function  in  developing  more  essential  bonds  of  union 
which  have  remained  unrealised  or  even  unrecognised. 
Every  form  of  social  struggle,  from  war  between  nations 
to  economic  competition,  religious  strife,  or  intellectual 
ambition,  has  its  effect  in  welding  a  larger  or  smaller 
class  into  closer  association. 

The  distinctly  physical  facts  of  race  and  locality 
exercise  both  positive  and  negative  influences  on  the 
Influence  of  development  of  association.  In  the  first 
locality  on  place,  locality  tends  to  assimilate  races  and 
Association,  types  of  culture.  Language  is  a  good  example 
of  this.  Two  languages  may  be  spoken  in  the  same 
locality  for  a  limited  period,  but,  sooner  or  later,  one 
drives  out  the  other,  or  a  new  language  is  formed,  uniting 
both  constituents.  "Where  two  religions  have  been 
thrown  together,  or  two  sets  of  moral  habits,  the  result 
has  been  the  same;  one  has  driven  out  the  other  after 
being  more  or  less  modified  by  it.  Life  in  the  same 
locality  means  the  same  schools  for  the  children,  the  same 
laws  and  government  for  the  parents.  Even  climatic 
influences  tend  to  develop  the  same  habits.  Where  two 
races  live  together,  intermarriage  is  inevitable,  and  a  new 
race  is  the  product  of  the  two  components.  The  differ- 
entiating influences  of  locality  are  mainly  due  to  differ- 
ences of  climate.  While  the  immediate  effect  of  climate 


THE  RELATION  OF  MEN  IN  SOCIETY          73 

in  uniting  one  set  of  people  as  over  against  another  set 
is  inconsiderable,  some  of  the  antagonism  between  the 
temperaments  of  different  peoples  may  be  traced  to  this 
source. 

Blood -relationship,  real  or  imagined,  lies  at  the  very 
basis  of  union  in  society.  Economic  relations,  political 
influence  unity>  even  language  itself,  are  developed  in 
of  Race  on  the  group  which  regards  itself  as  a  race ;  some 
Association.  rejigions  have  become  universal,  each  religion 
is  in  origin  the  product  of  a  race.  Eeceiving  a  similar 
physical  nature  from  common  ancestors,  and  sharing  the 
psychical  life  which  is  their  most  valuable  inheritance, 
members  of  the  same  race  have  by  nature  the  strongest 
bonds  of  union,  and  union  of  any  sort  tends  to  develop 
closer  psychical  relationship.  Only  at  certain  periods  in 
the  history  of  the  world  have  a  race  and  a  society  become 
so  far  identical,  that  strangers  who  have  come  to  share  the 
culture  of  the  society  are  at  length  regarded  as  members 
of  the  race.  In  a  word,  the  physical  group  underlies  the 
psychical  group ;  identity  of  race  favours  association. 
Hostile  relations  to  other  groups  of  men  have  been  no 
small  factor  in  the  production  of  firmly  united  races.1 
Men  may  be  born  alike,  but,  ordinarily,  they  must  be 
taught  this  likeness  before  they  recognise  it.  Pressure 
from  outside  is  necessary  to  produce  a  compact  union. 
Social  struggle  has  played  a  considerable  part  in  the 
production  even  of  races. 

Social  and  ^e  physical  conditions  favouring  associa- 
Psychicai  tion,  race  and  locality,  are  by  far  the  most 
Factors  important;  but  as  society  develops,  there  are 

favouring  certain  social  and  intellectual  conditions  which 
Association.  ,  .  .  „ 

have  such  an  important  influence  on  associa- 
tion, that  they  cannot  be  overlooked. 

1  The  effect  of  war  in  uniting  the  different  factors  of  an  incipient  nation 
has  often  been  remarked  in  the  case  of  the  United  States  in  the  Revolu- 
tion of  1776,  and  in  the  case  of  Germany  during  the  Franco-Prussian  war. 


74  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY, 

These  are  roughly  classified  in  the  following  table : — 

Social  factors  :  Rank,  e.g.        Eulers  and  ruled  ;  slaves. 

Nobility,  bourgeoisie,  peasants. 
Vocation,  e.g.  Artisans,  carpenters,  metalworkers. 
Merchants,  wholesale,  retail. 
Intellectual  pursuits,  etc. 
Psychical  factors  :  Thought  and  language. 
Beliefs  and  science. 
Temperament,  morals,  art. 
Religion. 

The  most  important  bonds  uniting  men  are  the  bonds 
of  a  common  function,  of  a  share  in  some  common 
activity.  So  it  needs  no  proof  that  identity 
\oc&tion°  °^  vocati°n>  to  whatever  this  may  be  due, 
is  a  very  important  influence  favouring 
association.  Men  are  led  to  choose  their  vocation 
quite  generally  by  some  particular  taste  or  habit  of 
mind,  so  that  it  is  common  to  find  a  certain  identity 
of  temperament  among  those  pursuing  the  same  calling. 
The  same  work,  and  the  pursuit  of  work  along  with 
companions,  also  tend  to  produce  a  similar  habit  of 
mind  within  a  given  group.  But  this  bond  due  to 
similarity,  is  only  half  the  story.  Those  in  the  same 
trade  are  united  in  the  performance  of  the  same  function 
for  society.  The  work  of  carpenters  may  leave  them  a 
considerable  degree  of  independence,  while  men  must 
unite  in  large  factories  to  produce  guns  or  carriages 
successfully.  And  yet,  however  great  their  apparent 'in- 
dependence, each  class  of  workers  is  directly  united  in 
the  performance  of  its  common  function  for  society. 

Nor  is  it  difficult  to  see  that  those  belonging  to  the 
same  rank  in  society  are  naturally  brought  into  association, 
whatever  may  be  the  principle  by  which  rank 
*s  Determined.  Wherever  society  is  somewhat 
stable,  members  of  the  same  rank  in  society 
have  received  from  their  parents  a  physical  nature 
peculiar  to  the  class.  Then  they  are  trained  in  the 


THE  RELATION  OF  MEN  IN  SOCIETY.         75 

same  habits  of  thought  and  action.  Quite  generally 
they  have  access  only  to  particular  callings,  and  indeed 
they  have  tastes  suited  only  to  these  callings.  Besides 
these  conditions  strongly  favouring  association,  it  is  often 
possible  to  point  out  some  general  function  for  the  service 
of  society,  in  which  members  of  the  same  rank  are  directly 
united. 

We   have   seen   already   that   those   who   are   thrown 
together,   naturally   tend    to    have    the    same    language, 

.,  ...  the  same  range  of  thoughts,  the  same  scien- 
Psychical 

Factors  tific  view  of  the  world,  the  same  aesthetic, 
favouring  moral,  and  religious  needs.  Here  it  is  only 

A  *      **  * 

a  lon'  necessary  to  point  out  the  fact  that  the  con- 
verse of  this  is  equally  true.  Identity  of  language, 
similarity  of.  thoughts,  habits,  and  needs,  are  conditions 
strongly  favouring  the  development  of  association.  Such 
identity  and  similarity  are  not  only  products  of  associa- 
tion ;  they  are  the  most  important  factors  in  determining 
the  farther  development  of  association. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE   SOCIAL  MIND. 

"  The  laws  according  to  which  the  psychical  activity  of  the  individual  is 
awakened  and  developed,  may  be  called  psychology.  There  must  be 
similar  laws  also  for  the  whole  nation.  The  nation,  as  well  as  the 
individual  man,  is  one  being." — Humboldt,  Ges.  Werke,  IV.  S.  427. 

THE  first  aim  of  sociology  is  to  understand  the  character 
of  the  object  with  which  it  has  to  deal — the  society  or 
The  Soli-  social  group.  In  the  preceding  chapters  it  has 
darity  of  a  been  shown  that  this  group  may  be  described 
Society  or  as  "organic;"  that  its  character  is,  in  a  measure, 
Social  Group.  Determined  by  physical  causes,  but  that,  in  its 
essential  nature,  it  is  truly  an  association  of  persons 
whose  feelings  and  activities  bring  them  together  in 
the  common  social  structure.  A  social  group  is  mado 
one  by  the  pleasure  its  members  find  in  each  other's 
companionship,  and  by  the  necessity  of  union  in  order 
that  the  group  may  perform  its  proper  function.  The 
solidarity  which  is  primarily  due  to  those  causes  and 
which  is  constantly  reinforced  by  the  same  causes,  gains 
a  much  wider  range  and  takes  a  deeper  hold  than  was 
indicated  in  the  discussion  of  the  principles  of  associa- 
tion. The  proof  then  offered  that  the  sources  of  social 
unity  are  psychical  forces,  was  somewhat  negative  in 
character.  It  remains  to  be  shown  that  the  solidarity  of 
a  society  embraces  all  phases  of  the  psychical  life  that 
it  develops ;  that  the  social  life  of  man  is,  in  truth,  the 
unfolding  of  reason ;  that  the  unity  of  the  social  group  is 
the  unity  of  a  social  mind. 


THE  SOCIAL  MIND.  77 

In  any  highly  developed  organism  it  is  possible  to 
study  the  life  of  the  whole  in  its  effect  on  the  separate 
The  Psvchi-  e^ements  of  which  it  is  composed.  In  the  case 
cai  Life  of  of  society  the  temptation  to  adopt  this  course 
the  Social  nas  proved  almost  irresistible.  The  character- 
Group,  istics  of  the  new  life  developed  in  the  group, 
and  the  results  gradually  produced  by  this  common  life, 
are  deposited  in  the  individual  mind;  the  leaders  of 
thought  and  activity  are,  of  necessity,  individuals;  the 
highest  and  most  striking  product  of  society  is  the 
personality  which  man  feels  to  be  himself.  It  is  no 
wonder  that  logic  and  ethics,  history  and  economics,  are 
studied  from  the  standpoint  of  the  individual,  while  the 
social  character  of  the  truth  thus  studied  is  only  vaguely 
indicated  by  an  occasional  reference  to  environment. 
Yet  it  is  not  difficult  to  see  that  all  the  distinctive 
characteristics  of  man,  as  man,  are  social  products,  both 
in  their  origin  and  in  their  present  form. 

In  the  first  place,  intellectual  possessions  and  capacity 
and  activities  belong  to  the  group  as  a  whole.  For 

instance,  language  is  never  the  invention  of  a 
A.  Language    .      ,  ,    . 

and  Thought  Slng^e  man,  nor  can  any  man  claim  it  as  a 

common  to  private  possession.  This  is  plain  enough  in 
the  Members  the  case  of  different  peoples,  and  attention  is 
Group"  frequently  called  to  the  fact  that  the  popular 
dialect  of  a  district  is  the  peculiar  property  of 
that  district;  but  we  may  go  farther  and  say  that  each 
clearly  marked  social  class,  each  trade  group,  and  even 
each  family,  has  its  own  language.  So  the  range  of 
thoughts  possessed  and  used  by  any  group  is  limited, 
and  characterises  one  group  in  distinction  from  another. 
The  teacher  impresses  his  mind  on  the  school,  the  father 
on  the  family,  and  the  family  or  school  becomes  an 
intellectual  group  by  itself.  In  religious  matters,  the 
range  of  thought  in  the  denomination  and  in  the  indi- 
vidual church  is  limited.  The  words  "  soul,"  "  revelation," 
"  divine  justice,"  have  very  different  meanings  for  different 


78  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

bodies  of  religious  thinkers,  but  within  a  given  church 
the  meaning  of  each  is  practically  the  same.  In  a  word, 
these  ideas  are  the  property  of  a  social  group.  Only 
members  of  the  same  group  can  really  understand  each 
other.  The  same  truth  holds  good  of  different  ages. 
The  philosophical,  or  scientific,  or  religious  ideas  of  one 
age  differ  essentially  from  those  of  another ;  the  thoughts 
of  any  age  are  not  directly  and  completely  intelligible  to 
an  earlier  or  a  later  age. 

The  primary  beliefs  which  are  generally  accepted,  and 
from  which  the  thinker  must  start,  are,  in  like  manner, 
Beliefs  the  property  of  the  group.  Philosophical 
common  to  scepticism  appears  in  certain  ages,  and  affects 
the  Group,  particular  classes.  The  belief  of  the  peasant 
class  in  Europe  as  to  matters  physical  and  spiritual, 
mundane  and  heavenly,  may  be  formulated  without 
special  difficulty;  and  it  differs  no  less  from  the  belief 
of  the  same  class  in  some  other  type  of  civilisation,  than 
from  the  belief  of  the  educated  class  in  Europe.  Changes 
in  these  beliefs  sweep  over  a  whole  country  at  times,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  appearance  and  disappearance  of 
witchcraft  in  New  England.  Even  in  the  mind  of  a 
trained  thinker  the  evidence  in  favour  of  a  given 
proposition  rarely  has  the  same  weight  as  the  statement 
that  it  is  accepted  by  a  class  of  minds  which  commands 
his  respect. 

The  common  possessions  of  a  group  and  of  an  age  include 
in  particular  the  practical  knowledge,  the  tools,  and  the 
Pra  tical  methods  of  attaining  the  ends  desired. 
Knowledge  Students  of  primitive  society  speak  of  a 
common  to  stone  age  and  a  bronze  age ;  more  limited 
oup'  periods  are  distinguished  by  the  special  forms 
of  utensils,  their  decoration,  and  the  skill  shown  in  their 
manufacture.  As  civilisation  advances,  utensils  vary 
more  rapidly  from  age  to  age,  and  more  widely  in 
different  groups  in  the  same  age.  Weapons,  tools,  and 
utensils  are  the  property  of  the  social  group,  and  no 


THE  SOCIAL  MIND.  79 

individual  possession.  So  the  methods  of  agriculture 
and  of  hunting,  of  preparing  food  and  partaking  of  it, 
of  preparing  and  wearing  clothing,  are  indeed  followed  by 
the  individual,  but  they  are  the  possession  of  the  age  and 
the  social  group  in  which  he  finds  himself. 

Finally,  intellectual  activity  may  be  predicated  of  the 
group  with  quite  as  much  as  truth  as  of  the  individual. 

Each  age  and  each  people — one   might  even 
Methods  of  >  ./  „      to. 

investigation  Sa7  each  class — has  its  own  way  or  going  at  a 

and  of  Proof  problem  that  demands  solution.     There  are  a 

common  to  prjori  methods  and  empirical  methods;  one 
the  Group.  f  .  ^ 

age  demands  metaphysical  proof;   to-day  we 

take  pride  in  studying  everything  "  inductively " ;  one 
group  uses  concrete  symbols,  and  another,  abstract  ideas, 
as  its  instruments  of  investigation.  These  methods 
and  the  activity  which  finds  expression  through  them, 
are  characteristic  of  social  groups.  Even  the  standard  of 
truth  varies  with  the  social  group.  Many  ages  and 
peoples  have  regarded  the  miracle  as  the  best  possible 
proof  of  things  supernatural ;  to-day  some  classes  find  in 
miracles  a  stumbling-block  to  their  faith.  The  proof  of 
a  metaphysical  system  often  is  only  its  own  perfectness 
and  beauty,  but  such  systems  have  not  lacked  for 
followers.  Tradition  has  been  another  standard  of  truth, 
physical  authority  yet  another.  None  of  these  various 
standards  of  truth  have  belonged  to  individuals  as  such ; 
in  fact  it  is  by  the  very  nature  of  things  impossible  that 
the  test  of  what  truth  is,  should  belong  to  an  individual. 
A  proposition  is  said  to  be  true  when  it  commands  assent, 
when  it  can  be  "proved";  and  these  words  "assent"  and 
"  proof "  mean  assent  by  a  group  of  men  and  proof  that 
satisfies  a  group  of  men. 

Secondly,  it  is  reasonable  to  assert  that  the  social 
group  has  volitional  characteristics,  such  as  are  commonly 
regarded  as  distinctive  of  the  individual.  Habits  are 
the  possession  of  an  age  and  a  class  quite  as  truly  as 
of  a  particular  man.  For  instance,  each  social  class  in 


8o  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

a  given  nation,  at  a  given  time,  has  common  habits  as 
to  its  food.  The  bill  of  fare  does  not  vary 
and  virtues  niuch  from  family  to  family ;  sauerkraut,  beef, 
common  to  Indian  corn,  stand  for  particular  peoples  in 
the  social  the  mind  of  ey  reader.  The  table  fur- 
Group. 

nishings,   number  and   time   of    meals,   table 

manners,  change  as  one  turns  from  class  to  class,  rather 
than  from  family  to  family.  Habits  of  family  organisa- 
tion, of  marriage  and  divorce,  mark  one  country  and  one 
age.  Habits  of  social  intercourse,  such  as  the  time  and 
manner  of  calls,  the  character  of  social  gatherings,  the 
mode  of  entertainment  and  topics  of  conversation  at  such 
gatherings,  the  extent  and  character  of  the  groups  that  have 
social  intercourse  with  each  other :  all  these  are  determined 
by  the  habits  of  the  class  and  age  in  question.  In  particular, 
habits  of  virtue  are  the  property  of  the  group.  It  is  part 
of  the  history  of  ethics,  as  yet  largely  unwritten,  to  show 
that  the  virtues  men  prize  and  cultivate  have  varied  from 
age  to  age,  in  different  nations,  and  even  in  different 
families.  It  is  an  evident  fact  that  truth-telling, 
generosity,  patience,  pertinacity,  justice,  receive  very 
different  emphasis  in  different  families ;  the  habits  of 
virtue  vary  in  these  families,  and  the  persons  who  go  out 
from  them  ordinarily  carry  with  them  the  virtues  of  the 
group  in  which  their  character  has  been  formed.  The 
history  of  virtues,  like  the  history  of  other  habits,  can 
only  be  written  from  the  standpoint  of  the  group,  never 
from  the  standpoint  of  the  individual;  this  fact  alone 
justifies  the  statement  that  habits  belong  to  the  group. 

And  not  merely  the  history  of  virtues,  but  the  judg- 
ment of  action  as  well,  conscience  itself,  is  a  social  fact. 
,  ,  .  Whatever  the  origin  of  conscience,  it  is  to-day 

action  by       the  application  of  the  group's  standard  to  the 
Conscience  a  action  of  the  member  of  the  group.     "  By  the 
ocia     act.  jaw  jg  ^e  know}ecige  of  g^  »  js  nothing  but  a 

statement  of  the  fact,  that  the  sanction  of  the  law  of 
the  state,  or  of  the  precept  of  the  church,  or  of  public 


THE  SOCIAL  MIND.  81 

opinion,  is  the  power  that  wakens  conscience.  The 
child's  conscience  is  just  as  truly  a  family  product  as  his 
power  to  use  language.  Whole  races  seem  to  us  to  lack 
conscience,  either  because  we  cannot  understand  the 
content  of  right  and  wrong  which  it  enforces,  or  often- 
times because  the  common  life  and  culture  of  the  group 
is  so  little  developed  that  the  feeble  germ  of  a  future 
conscience  cannot  as  yet  be  detected.1  The  religious  man 
hears  God's  voice  in  the  commands  of  duty  as  he  hears  it 
in  the  revelation  of  truth,  but  both  the  command  or 
revelation  and  the  power  to  apprehend  them  come  through 
his  share  in  social  life. 

The  earliest  ethical  reflection  has  generally  taken  the 
form  of  a  search  for  the  highest  good;  and  this  is  natural, 
for  a  man's  first  conscious  effort  to  regulate  his 
Action  and    own  l^e  is  ^e  effort  to  attain  some  definite 
ideals  end.     The  immediate  concrete  end  of  action  is 

common  to  evidently  a  social  fact  No  boy  cultivates  skill 
the  Group.  .  /  J 

in  playing  marbles  when  his  companions  dis- 
dain it ;  a  man  seeks  to  run  his  loom  well,  or  tell  a  story 
well,  because  these  accomplishments  are  prized  by  the 
group  of  which  he  is  a  member.  And  the  great  ends 
which  are  gradually  being  worked  out  in  society,  often 
unconsciously  so  far  as  the  members  of  society  are  con- 
cerned, can  never  be  the  property  of  a  single  person.  It 
is  true  that  they  find  their  highest  realisation  in  the 
person  of  individuals,  but  only  because  such  individuals 
are  the  genuine  product  of  society.  Spencer  distinguishes 
military  societies  and  industrial  societies ;  others  have 
added  to  this  list  an  ethical  type,  now  supposed  to  be  in 
process  of  realisation.  In  each  case  the  type  is  a  social 
product.  To  take  a  particular  example,  each  church 

1  Many  efforts  of  a  rather  absurd  character  have  been  made  to  deduce 
conscience  from  other  iactors  of  the  individual's  psychical  life ;  the  real 
reason  for  their  failure  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  conscience  is  not 
developed  by  the  interaction  of  a  group  of  feelings  and  ideas,  be  they 
ever  so  altruistic,  but  rather  by  the  interaction  of  gradually  developing 
personalities. 

G 


82  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

to-day  has  a  special  type  of  religious  experience  which  it 
seeks  to  cultivate  among  its  members,  and  when  one's 
view  is  extended  beyond  the  present  century,  these  types 
vary  even  more  widely.  Members  of  a  church  have  a 
similar  religious  life,  because  that  type  is  the'  social 
product  and  the  social  possession  of  their  church. 

Thirdly,  the  group  may  truly  be  said  to  have  its 
own  emotional  life.  Nothing  develops  the  sense  of 
c  T  .  individuality  so  distinctly  as  the  feeling  of 
Feeling  joy  or  sorrow,  of  satisfaction,  or  of  eager 
mark  the  desire,  which  man  calls  most  peculiarly  his 
p'  own ;  yet  even  these  are  not  his  individual 
possession.  He  develops  the  capacity  for  them  by  his 
intercourse  with  his  fellows ;  the  immediate  occasion  of 
any  particular  feeling  is  quite  generally  found  in  some 
particular  relation  to  the  human  world  of  which  he  is 
a  part;  and,  whatever  its  occasion,  each  new  feeling 
has  a  tendency  to  communicate  itself  to  all  that  come 
in  contact  with  it.  The  communication  of  feeling,  of 
course,  takes  place  most  readily  when  a  body  of  persons 
is  subject  to  the  same  exciting  cause  of  feeling.  Empty 
benches  do  not  inspire  an  orator,  and  what  is  even  more 
true,  they  do  not  inspire  the  scattered  members  of  the 
audience.  The  revivalist  preacher  gets  his  audience  to 
sing  together,  and  the  wave  of  common  feeling  will 
respond  to  appeals  of  another  character.  Enthusiasm  is 
a  social  product,  just  as  coals  burn  together.  Common 
types  of  feeling  have  come  to  mark  each  age  and  each 
nation.  There  was  an  age  of  chivalry,  an  age  called  the 
New  Birth,  the  Eenaissance,  and  there  has  been  many  an 
age  marked  by  doubt  and  despair.  A  nation,  too,  may  be 
described  by  its  tone  of  feeling — the  French  people  are 
called  witty,  gay,  and  careless,  having  much  spirit,  and 
little  power  of  perseverance ;  North  Germany  is  said  to 
be  marked  by  a  melancholy  dreaminess,  and  by  great 
energy  and  devotion  when  the  people  are  once  roused. 
Such  characterisations  are  likely  to  contain  quite  as 


THE  SOCIAL  MIND.  83 

much  falsehood  as  truth;  yet  the  fact  is  recognised  by 
every  traveller,  that  the  types  of  feeling  in  the  peoples 
among  whom  he  goes  are  different  enough  from  what  he 
has  been  accustomed  to  at  home. 

The  final  characteristic  of  the  individual's  mental  life 
is  his  self -consciousness ;  he  learns  to  feel  the  unity  of 
Self-con-  himself,  as  over  against  the  unity  of  his 
sciousness  world.  In  some  cases,  the  social  group  is 
of  the  wholly  without  this  recognition  of  a  common 

lp<  mental  life.  Those  who  speak  the  same 
language  are  hardly  likely  to  perceive  that  they  share  a 
mental  life  in  common ;  the  consciousness  of  it  only  arises 
when  a  man  meets  those  with  whom  he  can  converse 
freely,  after  passing  some  time  in  lands  where  only  a 
strange  language  is  heard.  The  different  industrial 
classes  and  social  classes  in  a  city  only  recognise  the 
common  life  of  the  class,  when  this  life  is  emphasised  by 
contrast  with  some  other  type,  or  by  conflict  of  class 
with  class.  The  recognition  of  a  common  life  and  of 
common  ends  in  life  is  the  true  basis  of  the  unity  of  a 
social  group;  until  this  takes  place,  the  unity  is  a  possi- 
bility to  be  realised,  the  common  life  is  only  incipient. 
Sometimes  physical  separateness  suggests  the  fact  that  a 
group  has  a  unity  of  its  own.  Children  feel  that  the 
family  has  a  common  life,  since  the  life  of  the  home  is 
separated  at  so  many  points  from  all  the  rest  of  the 
world.  Or  pleasure  in  a  certain  set  of  companions  may 
emphasise  the  unity  of  that  particular  set;  as  when  a 
school  develops  a  common  life  that  is  not  limited  to  the 
intellectual  side.  Frequently  pressure  from  outside 
throws  men  together,  and  makes  them  feel  that  their  only 
interests  are  such  as  are  common  to  the  whole  class.  The 
efforts  of  labourers  to  secure  what  they  regard  as  their 
rights,  unite  them  by  firm  bonds  into  a  "  union,"  and 
favour  the  belief  that  the  iadividual  has  no  interest 
apart  from  the  class.  Thus  a  somewhat  exaggerated 
self -consciousness  is  developed  under  pressure.  Finally, 


84  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

it  may  be  said  that  every  society  formed  with  the 
purpose  of  encouraging  and  developing  some  form  of 
common  life,  presupposes  recognition  of  a  common  life 
already  existing.  A  church  is  formed  by  persons  who 
have  recognised  that  they  already  share  a  common 
religious  life ;  the  friends  of  "  law  and  order "  form  a 
society  because  such  a  union  aids  them  to  act  together, 
but  doubtless  they  have  long  been  conscious  that  they 
shared  with  each  other  common  thoughts,  feelings,  and 
purposes. 

The  recognition  that  the  group  is  by  nature  a  unity 
is  more  distinct,  however,  when  some  element  of  pur- 
Seif-con-  P°^e  underlies  the  union.  When  a  society 
sciousness  of  is  definitely  formed  to  carry  out  a  definite 
the  Volitional  purpose,  its  members  are  separated  from  the 
rest  of  the  world,  their  common  life  is  em- 
phasised as  the  basis  of  this  separateness,  and  this  is 
done  by  their  choice.  Under  these  circumstances,  the 
consciousness  of  a  common  life,  a  common  self,  some- 
times becomes  quite  as  vivid  as  the  individual's  self- 
consciousness.  The  industrial  corporation  develops  the 
common  life  and  the  consciousness  of  it  along  narrow 
lines ;  the  family,  at  the  opposite  extreme,  develops  a 
common  life  along  the  whole  range  of  human  interests, 
and  the  self-consciousness  of  such  a  group  .may  easily 
eclipse  the  individual  self-consciousness  of  husband  or 
wife.  ,  Every  great  crusade  against  ignorance,  corruption, 
or  evil  of  any  form,  every  earnest  effort  to  realise  high 
ideals  in  the  world,  demands  union  among  those  who  would 
carry  it  forward ;  the  voluntary  group  thus  formed  cannot 
fail  to  have  a  vivid  consciousness  of  its  common  life. 

The  question  as  to  the  unity  of  the  social 
The  Unity  of      .     ,  .n  , 

the  Social      mind  becomes  clearer  when  the  nature  or  the 

Mind  and  of  unity   of   the   individual  mind  is   considered. 

thelndi-        T}le   mjnd    Of    the   individual   is,   indeed,  the 

'  function   of   a   particular  physical   structure; 

but   its   true   unity   is   rather    psychical   than   physical. 


THE  SOCIAL  MIND.  85 

The  mind  is  a  unity  because  all  thoughts,  feelings,  acts, 
are  referred  to  a  common  subject  in  self-consciousness ; 
the  consciousness  of  this  subject  is  gradually  developed, 
thoughts  and  feelings  are  gradually  organised,  voluntary 
acts  are  brought  more  under  the  influence  of  a  definite 
ideal,  until  at  length  the  unity  of  a  person  stands  out 
clearly  in  all  the  complexity  of  mental  life.  It  may,  of 
course,  be  possible  to  find  a  sort  of  physical  unity  of  the 
social  group;  the  question  is  unimportant,  for  the  real 
unity  of  mind  is  not  a  physical  but  a  psychical  matter. 
Such  a  psychical  unity  is  developed  in  the  social  group, 
though  the  development  is  gradual,  and  takes  place 
in  different  degrees.  Wherever  a  group  is  subject  to 
influences  developing  its  common  life,  the  common 
thoughts  and  beliefs  and  feelings  are  gradually  organised 
into  a  complex  unity,  more  definite  ideas  control  the 
active  life  of  the  group,  and  the  consciousness  of  the 
essential  unity  of  the  whole  at  length  pervades  the  life 
of  each  member.  A  society  is  no  mere  conglomerate  of 
men  that  are  alike,  no  mere  association  which  men  may 
share  or  leave  at  will;  the  solidarity  of  the  social  group 
that  has  been  indefinitely  and  imperfectly  described  by 
the  word  "organic,"  finds  its  true  explanation  in  the 
psychical  life  of  the  group. 

"  Social  mind "   and   "  Zeitgeist "  are  phrases  easy  to 
use,  particularly  easy  to  use  without  any  definite  mean- 

"  Social  *n£-  ^n  ^6  ^rst  Par^  °^  ^is  cnaPter  I  have 
Mind"  a  simply  attempted  to  give  a  definite  concrete 

Concrete  meaning  to  the  former  phrase,  so  that  it  could 
Phrase 

be  profitably  used  to  describe  the  psychical 

character  of  the  social  group.  The  different  groups 
which  go  to  make  up  society  in  a  given  nation  or  -a  given 
race,  are  determined  in  various  ways ;  physical  contiguity 
or  desire  for  companionship  may  have  been  the  original 
deciding  factor;  but  the  real  unity  of  each  group  con- 
sists in  the  common  mental  life  which  is  gradually 
acquired.  This  is  the  true  statement  of  the  essential 


86  INTRODUCTION   TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

nature  of  a  society.  A  group  of  men  becomes  really  one 
as  a  common  mental  life  is  developed  among  them ;  they 
learn  to  call  themselves  one  when  at  length  they  recog- 
nise this  common  mental  life. 

At  this  point  the  question  naturally  arises  whether  it  is 
advantageous  for  society  that  this  unity  express  itself  in  the 
outward  form  of  some  institution.  The  cry  is  often  raised  that 
our  age  spends  its  life  in  conventions,  associations,  and  the  like, 
while  the  ends  which  really  demand  our  effort  are  obscured 
by  the  machinery  for  accomplishing  them.  Undoubtedly  the 
machine  is  often  a  form  which  takes  the  place  of  real  Jife  ;  too 
easily  it  becomes  an  end  in  itself,  and  so  can  no  longer  justify 
its  own  existence.  Still  those  who  raise  this  cry  may  forget 
that  the  forms  of  social  activity  are  really  becoming  more 
widely  differentiated  in  this  age  as  in  the  ages  that  have  pre- 
ceded it,  and  institutions  are  necessary  to  the  new  forms  of 
common  life.  In  spite  of  all  the  dangers  that  attend  insti- 
tutions, where  a  genuine  common  life  demands  an  outward 
organisation  as  the  means  for  realising  its  ends,  the  utility 
of  such  an  organisation  can  hardly  be  doubted. 

The   only  recognition   of    the   dependence  of    the  in- 
dividual mind  on  the  social  medium  which  appears  in 

current   thought,   is    indicated    by    the    word 
Eelatioa  of  8,,   '  *. 

the  Social        environment.        The    doctrine    of    environ- 

Mind  and  the  ment    simply    recognises    the    fact    of     this 

Individual  dependence  on  the  social  medium,  without 
Mind.  5 

going  on  to  study  its  meaning  either  for  the 

individual  or  for  society.  Animal  life  involves  a  series 
of  changes  in  correspondence  with  the  changing  circum- 
stances in  which  it  is  placed ;  these  circumstances  are 
called  its  environment,  accordingly  it  is  correct  to  say 
that  its  life  is  in  large  measure  determined  by  its  en- 
vironment. The  metaphor  from  biology  has  only  a 
partial  truth,  when  it  is  applied  to  minds  in  their 
relation  to  the  social  medium.  Its  truth  consists  in 
the  fact  of  constant  vital  dependence  which  marks  this 
relation ;  its  error  is  that  it  always  seems  to  separate 
the  individual  from  that  of  which  he  really  forms  a  part. 


THE  SOCIAL  MIND.  87 

In  biology  this  error  is  unimportant,  for  social  relations 
are  the  least  essential  part  of  the  influences  which  effect 
the  physical  life  of  an  organism.  When,  however,  the 
figure  is  transferred  to  the  psychical  sphere,  the  error 
is  unduly  exaggerated ;  the  environment  which  is  by  far 
the  most  potent  to  mould  the  developing  mind,  is  just 
that  common  psychical  life  of  which  the  individual 
is  a  constituent  factor.1  Indeed,  the  psychical  environ- 
ment is  nothing  but  a  series  of  such  minds,  and  the 
whole  question  to  be  solved  is  the  principle  of  their 
relation. 

The  common  life  of  a  social  group  is  essentially  the 
union  of  the  ideas,  the  wills,  and  the  feelings  of  men 
The  Social  wno  nave  ^een  thrown  together  in  the  attain- 
Mind  exists  ment  of  common  ends.  Such  a  union  arises  as 

m  and  ft\e  result  of  a  psychical  change  of  individuals 

through  In-  ° 

dividual        composing  the  group,  so   that   perhaps  it   is 

Minds  com-  fair  to  say  that  it  consists  of  the  common 
posmg  it.  features  in  the  mental  life  of  these  individuals. 
Psychical  life  is  no  secretion  of  a  single  man's  brain; 
psychical  life  means  that  different  minds  are  working 
together  in  the  same  activity,  and  this  psychical  life  is 
a  common  life  of  the  group.  The  factors  of  the  social 
group  are  indeed  distinct,  and  their  real  independence 
increases  as  it  has  larger  field  with  the  increasing 
psychical  life ;  the  mental  life  of  the  group  exists  in 
and  through  its  members.  In  a  word,  the  social  mind 
has  no  existence  outside  the  minds  of  the  members  of 
the  group,  and  these  individuals  have  no  real  mental 
life,  except  as  they  enter  into  the  common  life  of  which 
they  form  a  part.  In  carrying  out  this  doctrine,  it  is 
of  course  important  to  bear  in  mind  that  the  group  in 
which  the  individual  finds  and  develops  his  psychical  life, 
is  ordinarily  not  simple,  but  very  complex,  and  that  this 
relation  is  in  large  measure  independent  of  time. 

In  conclusion,  I  desire  to  remind  the  reader  that  the 

1  Zeitschrift  fur  Volkerpsycholoyie,  III.  S.  53. 


88  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

social  mind  and  all  its  powers  are  the  product  of  associa- 
te Social  tion.  As  individuals  enter  into  the  psychical 
Mind  the  relation  described  by  this  word,  psychical  life 
Product  of  is  developed  at  the  same  time  for  the  members 
ciation.  an(j  for  the  group  as  a  whole. 


Accordingly,  every  thing  that  favours  a  more  active 
interrelation  of  nascent  minds,  favours  equally  the 
development  of  the  social  mind  which  is  the  essence 
of  society.  When  groups  or  individuals,  with  different 
training,  are  brought  in  contact  with  each  other,  the 
conditions  of  progress  are  fulfilled,  for  progress  is  the 
broadening  and  deepening  of  common  life.  In  the  com- 
plex relations  of  modern  society  there  exists  the  best 
basis  for  mental  achievement  which  the  world  has  as 
yet  produced,  for  this  complex  life  means  the  constant 
and  energetic  inter-activity  of  factors  by  nature  very 
different. 

THE  SCIENCE  OF  SOCIETY,  AND  THE  SCIENCES  OF  MAN. 

The  fundamental  importance  of  the  science  of  society  is  most 
clearly  seen  from  the  standpoint  of  the  present  chapter.  In 
general  terms,  the  close  relation  of  sociology,  psychology,  and 
history,  could  be  outlined  in  the  introduction.  At  this  point, 
the  character  of  the  interrelation  of  the  sciences  is  made  more 
definite,  and  the  contribution  of  sociology  to  their  progress  can 
be  more  distinctly  outlined. 

The  study  of  the  social  mind,  the  mind  of  the  social  group,  has 
already  made  it  evident  that  a  true  science  of  history  will  deal 
,  with  groups  rather  than  with  individuals.  It  is  true 
an^History,  enough  that  the  great  man,  the  leader  in  historical 
especially  the  changes,  is  the  heightened  example  of  the  type  of 
History  of  a  c}asg  .  motives  and  influences  may  be  more  easily 

Civilisation.          ,    ^      .     .     .  ,     ,    .  ,     . 

detected  by  studying  such  an  example,  and  forces 
at  work  in  history  may  thus  be  presented  to  the  student  with 
greater  vividness.  The  fact  remains  that  the  real  source  of  political 
changes  is  to  be  found  in  the  life  of  the  nation,  and  of  the  classes 
composing  the  nation  ;  and  the  thorough  student  of  history  must 
be  equipped  with  what  sociology  has  to  teach  as  to  the  nature 
of  the  social  group.  The  more  limited  history  of  civilisation  deals 
solely  with  the  social  group  ;  and,  in  fact,  its  whole  aim  is  to  give  a 


THE  SOCIAL  MIND.  89 

record  of  the  growing  content  of  the  social  mind,  together  with  the 
causes  of  the  growth.  It  starts  with  the  recognition  of  the  social 
mind,  and  its  success  is  conditioned  by  a  knowledge  of  the  nature 
of  this  mind.  It  studies  the  developing  civilisation  of  a  particular 
group,  and  here,  too,  its  success  depends  on  a  knowledge  of  the 
laws  that  govern  the  development  of  social  groups  in  all  their 
various  aspects. 

Volumes  have  been  written  to  show  how  the  complex  processes 

of   the  developed  mind  hare  been  evolved  out  of   some  simple 

process,   that   can  be   explained   in  terms  of   simple 

Sociology  and      L  A 

the  Genesis  of  nervous  action  in  the  brain.  Sometimes  the  child's 
Psychical  development  has  been  made  the  basis  of  this  study ; 
Processes.  more  commonly  it  has  proceeded  on  hypothetical 
grounds  ;  the  end  remains  the  same,  viz.,  to  explain  the  evolution 
of  complex  psychical  processes  out  of  simple  elements.  Much 
of  this  labour  would  have  been  spared,  or,  at  any  rate,  it  would 
have  been  turned  into  a  profitable  channel,  if  the  student  had 
recognised  that  this  evolution  is  not  a  feature  of  the  individual 
mind,  but  of  the  social  mind.  The  individual  mind  receives  these 
capacities  as  a  gift  from  its  social  environment ;  more  exactly,  it 
develops  these  capacities  by  sharing  more  and  more  completely 
in  the  social  mind  of  which  it  is  destined  to  form  a  part.  The 
manner  in  which  it  develops  these  capacities  and  processes  may 
or  may  not  imitate  the  manner  in  which  they  were  originally 
acquired  ;  in  any  case,  the  true  place  to  solve  the  problems  of 
psychogenesis  is  in  the  history  of  the  social  mind,  and  not  in 
the  history  of  the  individual  mind.  Even  the  theory  of  natural 
selection,  with  all  the  new  light  it  has  shed  on  this  matter,  does  not 
permit  the  student  to  lose  sight  of  the  social  group.  Races,  or 
groups  of  men,  rather  than  individual  men,  are  the  units  to  the 
survival  of  which  progress  is  due  ;  and  in  this  process  the  social 
mind  which  enables  the  group  best  to  meet  the  conditions  of  life, 
is  favoured  and  developed. 

A  glance  at  races  in  different  stages  of  development  is  sufficient 
to  show  that  the  interest  in  particular  objects,  and  the  power  to 
Attention  and  concentrate  attention  upon  particular  objects,  varies 
Comparison,  greatly.  This  interest  and  power  the  individual  shares 
Generalisation,  with  the  group,  and  the  factors  at  work  in  its  develop- 
ment can  only  be  understood  by  a  study  of  the  group- 
life.  In  a  word,  the  power  of  abstraction  and  attention  is  the  result 
of  association.  As  men  and  groups  of  men  with  different  training 
and  education  are  brought  into  living  relation  with  each  other,  the 
same  objects  come  to  be  regarded  from  different  side?,  until  their 
individuality  stands  out  with  greater  distinctness.  Each  member 


90  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY, 

of  the  new  group  brings  an  interest  in  a  slightly  different  set  of 
things,  so  that  the  range  of  interest  for  the  group  is  enlarged. 
Finally,  natural  selection  tends  to  perpetuate  each  genuine  acquire- 
ment in  breadth  of  interest,  and  particularly  in  the  power  to 
apprehend  individual  things  with  greater  distinctness  and  definite- 
ness.  The  evolution  of  the  power  of  attention  is  to  be  studied  in 
the  social  mind,  for  it  originates  here. — Similarly  the  power  of 
generalisation  and  classification  is  a  social  product,  not  to  be 
explained  by  any  study  of  the  individual  mind.  Different  stages 
of  civilisation  show  this  power  in  very  different  degrees.  The 
savage  can  count  up  to  five,  or,  perhaps,  ten.  The  Australians, 
it  is  said,  have  a  rich  vocabulary  of  words  for  birds  and  fishes,  but 
no  general  word  for  bird  or  fish.  Some  tribes  of  North  American 
Indians  had  different  words  for  "my  father"  and  "your  father,"  not 
having  reached  so  abstract  a  word  as  "  father."  This  habit  of  mind, 
like  the  habit  of  attention  to  particular  objects,  the  individual  gets 
from  society  by  taking  the  place  open  to  him  in  the  mental  life  of 
the  group.  It  is  in  the  social  mind  that  its  genesis  is  to  be  studied, 
for  it  is  a  product  of  association.  The  very  desire  to  communicate 
with  one's  fellows,  and  the  evolution  of  language  to  which  this 
desire  leads,  have  a  great  influence  in  training  the  mind  to  neglect 
unimportant  differences,  and  to  seize  on  the  deeper  likeness.  By 
the  thought-intercourse  of  different  social  factors,  a  scientific  idea  of 
the  world  is  gradually  formed  and  filled  out  ;  in  this  process  the 
individual's  powers  are  ever  being  quickened  and  developed.  The 
contact  and  amalgamation  of  different  groups,  whatever  quickens 
intercourse,  will  thus  have  its  effect  on  the  development  of  the 
psychical  powers.  Here,  again,  natural  selection  tends  to  perpetuate 
real  acquirements,  for  a  higher  and  truer  idea  of  the  world  enables 
a  tribe  better  to  cope  with  the  physical  and  psychical  world  in  which 
it  has  to  win  a  place  for  itself.  Memory,  too  ;  the  power  of  judg- 
ment by  which  worth  is  assigned  to  the  parts  of  one's  world  ;  the 
power  of  choice ;  these,  and  all  men's  psychical  powers  are  developed 
in  society,  and  so  their  genesis  must  be  studied  in  society. 

Finally,  the  study  of  fundamental  principles  and  the  study  of 
norms  and  ideals,  has  much  to  gain  from  a  study  of  the  social  mind. 
Sociology  and  Experience  presupposes  some  a  priori  conceptions  or 
Logic  and  principles,  and  without  these  it  is  entirely  impossible  to 
Ethics.  understand  it.  While  it  is  true  that  these  principles 

which  underlie  experience,  are  not  developed  in  experience,  it  is  no 
less  true  that  the  knowledge  of  them  has  been  acquired  gradually  ; 
this  process  is  to  be  studied  in  the  history  of  the  social  mind.  The 
existence  of  such  a  thing  as  universally  valid  experience,  and  of 
universal  principles  which  underlie  this  experience,  is  perhaps  the 


THE  SOCIAL   MIND.  91 

clearest  evidence  of  the  function  of  the  social  mind.  A  fact  is  true 
when  it  commends  itself  not  merely  to  one,  but  to  every  mind 
which  has  the  same  evidence  before  it,  and  the  same  power  of 
judging.  Truth  means  that  the  social  mind,  at  a  certain  stage  of 
development,  accepts  some  ideas  and  beliefs  as  absolutely  valid  ;  the 
principles  underlying  experience  work  in  and  through  the  social 
mind,  and  truth  is  the  stamp  of  agreement  with,  these  principles 
which  is  set  on  facts  by  the  social  mind. 

It  is  equally  true  that  norms  and  ideals  exist  in  the  social  mind, 
and  work  through  it.  These  do  not  yet  have  universal  validity, 
but,  we  say,  they  ought  to  be  universally  true.  Duty  is  imposed  by 
the  social  mind  ;  an  action  is  right,  and  is  required,  when  the  social 
mind  sets  on  it  the  stamp  of  agreement  with  the  norms  and  ideals 
which  characterise  this  phase  of  society.  To  say  that  a  truth  comes 
from  the  social  mind,  is  not  to  condemn  it  but  to  give  the  immediate 
explanation  of  it. 

Further  example  is  unnecessary  to  show  that  the  sciences  dealing 
with  man  are  concerned  fundamentally  with  the  social  mind.  The 
partial  neglect  of  this  fact,  in  certain  periods,  has  led  to  the  false 
statement  of  problems,  and  false  methods  of  investigation. 


CHAPTER  V. 

CAUSES   OF   SOCIAL   ACTIVITY. 

SOCIAL  groups,  as  has  already  been  shown,  are  properly 
functional  in  character,  i.e.,  the  groups  are  distinct  from 
SociaiGroups  eac^  otner>  an(^  have  an  existence  of  their  own, 
depend  on  because  the  members  of  them  have  formed  the 
Social  habit  of  acting  together.  Accordingly,  it  is 

Activities.  necessary  to  study  the  different  modes  of 
social  activity,  and  the  causes  of  this  activity,  before  it 
is  possible  to  understand  the  true  character  of  the  social 
groups  thus  formed.  Those  writers  who  have  recognised 
this  dynamic  character  of  society  have  generally  discussed 
the  topics  of  the  present  chapter  under  the  title  "social 
forces,"  and  in  choosing  a  different  term  I  may  properly 
point  out  the  misconception  which  I  believe  is  involved 
in  the  use  of  the  former  one. 

Social  force  properly  denotes  the  energy  of  a  social 
group.     This  force  is  essentially  the  same,  and  is  to  be 

determined  in  the  same  way,  for  each  of  the 
Social  Force  * 

versus  '  different  kinds  of  social  groups.  A  political 
stimuli  to  group  is  strong  to  contend  with  other  groups, 
political  or  economic  or  moral,  when  the  ele- 
ments which  compose  it  are  strong,  and  when 
these  different  elements  can  work  harmoniously  together. 
The  energy  of  an  economic  corporation,  or  of  a  school  of 
thought  in  the  intellectual  world,  is  to  be  determined  in 
the  same  manner.  In  other  words,  the  force  or  energy 
of  a  social  group  is  something  wholly  independent  of  the 
kind  of  group ;  and  while  the  study  of  the  force  of  social 

92 


CAUSES  OF  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.  93 

bodies  is  very  important,  it  sheds  no  light  on  the  real 
nature  of  the  different  kinds  of  social  groups,  or  on  the 
structure  of  the  society  which  they  form.  Social  forces 
do  not  exist,  but  only  social  force,  and  the  study  of  this 
force  belongs  to  the  study  of  the  general  composition  of 
a  social  group.  Finally,  social  force  is  to  be  predicated 
of  the  group  as  a  whole ;  social  stimuli  act  upon  indi- 
viduals, and  may  be  called  social  only  because  they  lead 
to  social  activity. 

All  social  activity  may  be  traced  back  to  motives  felt 
by  the  individual ;  and  the  character  of  the  activity,  as 

Needs  of  the  we^  as  *ts  in^ens^y>  ^s  determined  by  the 
individual  stimulus  from  which  it  springs.  While  social 
stimulate  force  is  purely  quantitative,  the  stimuli  to 
the  Social  sociai  activity  are  first  of  all  qualitative,  and 

Activities 

are  distinguished  by  their  different  qualities. 
Inasmuch  as  all  social  activity  finds  its  starting-point  and 
stimulus  in  the  individual,  the  present  chapter  will  be  a 
study  of  man's  desires  and  emotions  as  social  stimuli. 
The  life  of  society  is  so  bound  up  with  the  life  of  the 
units  which  compose  it,  that  a  study  of  the  individual's 
motives  to  action  leads  directly  to  the  different  forms  of 
activity  which  characterise  society. 

In  general,  the  stimuli  to  social  activity  may  be  classi- 
fied as  original  and  derived.  The  first  class  includes 
Classification  those  needs  and  emotions  which  are  practically 
of  Social  universal,  and  which  do  not  depend  on  a  de- 
stimuli,  veloped  state  of  society  for  their  existence. 
The  derived  stimuli  include  such  needs  and  emotions  as 
imply  a  somewhat  advanced  state  of  society,  and  only 
arise  in  the  course  of  social  development.  The  first  class 
will  include  (a)  the  need  of  food  and  clothing,  which 
gives  rise  to  the  sensations  of  hunger  and  of  cold,  (b) 
the  need  of  protection  against  one's  fellow-men,  which 
occasions  the  feeling  of  fear;  and  (c)  the  need  of  com- 
panionship, and  the  emotions  associated  with  the  relation 
of  individual  men.  The  activity  due  to  these  stimuli 


94  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

will  vary  exceedingly  in  the  course  of  social  development, 
but  these  needs  of  men  remain  the  basis  of  all  life  in 
society.  The  second  class  may  be  called  derived  stimuli, 
for  social  life  itself  develops  new  desires,  and  these  in 
turn  lead  to  higher  forms  of  social  activity.  Under  this 
head,  may  be  included  aesthetic  desires,  intellectual 
needs,  the  need  of  moral  approval,  and,  finally,  the  need 
of  religious  communion. 

The  need  of  food  is  the  original  spur  to  social  activity, 
and  the  last  to  lose  its  force.  It  was  undoubtedly  true 

.  of  early  man,  as  it  is  true  of  wolves  and  vul- 
A  1.  Need  of  J 

Food  as  a      tures,  that  they  joined  in  the  pursuit  of  food 

stimulus       whenever   the   greater   results   thus   obtained 

to  Social  compensated  for  the  difficulty  of  getting  along 
Activity.  V  ^  ,  vv  i 

together.       Koots    may    be    grubbed    up    and 

fruits  gathered  in  their  season  by  scattered  individuals, 
but  there  are  few  animals  which  man  could  capture 
unarmed  and  alone.  Tools  can  only  be  evolved  and 
transmitted  in  society,  and  every  permanent  gain  in  the 
battle  for  sustenance  must  have  been  due  to  combined 
activity.  The  domestication  of  animals  and  the  culti- 
vation of  grains  was  possible  only  when  man  had  learned 
to  depend  on  his  neighbour  for  constant  aid  as  well  as 
for  protection.  The  need  of  food  in  constant  supply  and 
in  sufficient  variety  has  always  led  to  associated  activity, 
for  it  could  only  be  satisfied  by  such  associated  activity. 
The  same  need  has  always  continued  to  be  a  factor  in 
social  progress,  because  the  more  highly  developed  society 
is,  the  better  it  is  able  to  meet  the  economic  needs  of  its 
members. 

The  need  of  protection  against  cold  and  wet  is  hardly 
less  important  than  the  need  of  food,  in  its  effect  on  social 
Need  of  activity  and  on  social  progress.  The  common 
Protection  form  of  clothing  among  the  more  primitive 
against  Cold  tribes  is  the  skin  of  an  animal,  and  in  order 
an  wet.  ^Q  Q^^^  j^  several  individuals  have  joined 
in  the  hunt.  The  rude  cloth,  which  in  many  places 


CAUSES   OF  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.  95 

succeeded  fur  as  a  garment,  was  both  a  social  invention 
and  a  social  product.  Again,  men  come  to  need  a  dwell- 
ing, though  caves  and  trees  may  serve  the  purpose  for  a 
while.  The  form  of  this  dwelling  is  gradually  perfected 
in  society,  and  transmitted  in  social  tradition.  Generally 
the  dwelling  is  put  up  by  the  group,  requiring  associated 
activity  to  produce  it.  Moreover  the  house  is  not  in- 
habited by  one  man  alone,  but  by  a  family  or  a  group 
of  families.  Thus  the  need  of  protection  against  cold 
and  wet  tends  to  bring  a  group  into  closer  and  closer 
relations,  until  these  units  have  sufficient  solidarity  to 
become  factors  in  some  permanent  larger  group.  The 
dwelling  has  also  an  important  influence  on  the  character 
of  the  social  group,  in  that  it  is  the  beginning  of  privacy. 
Neither  virtue  nor  the  individuality  which  virtue  implies 
is  possible  when  men  live  together  without  means  of 
seclusion.  This  means  of  seclusion  the  dwelling  may 
furnish,  so  that  it  may  fittingly  be  called  the  beginning 
of  civilisation. 

Man  is  the  only  animal  so  far  as  known  which  uses 
fire.  Fire  is  important  in  satisfying  both  man's  need  of 
suitable  food  and  his  need  of  protection 
Sociaiiser  agamst  cold.  In  this  latter  capacity  it  serves 
the  same  purpose  as  the  dwelling-house  in 
bringing  men  together,  and  teaching  them  to  enjoy  each 
others  society.  Its  warmth  is  genial,  in  that  it  renders 
those  who  gather  about  it  genial  toward  each  other  and 
fond  of  each  other's  society.  For  every  age  the  hearth  is 
the  symbol  of  the  home.  Somewhat  difficult  to  obtain 
and  to  preserve,  fire  is  distinctly  a  social  possession,  and 
those  who  would  enjoy  it  must  remain  members  of 
society. 

With  the  beginning  of  a  proper  economic  activity,  the 
need  of  food  and  of  protection  against  cold  and  wet 
became  even  more  potent  factors  in  producing  an  active 
social  life.  This  economic  activity  generally  began 
with  the  introduction  of  slavery.  Warriors  preserved 


96  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

their  captives  when  they  produced  more  food  than  they 
Need  of  food  carriec^  on  their  bones.  The  economic  needs 
and  clothing  which  formerly  had  been  satisfied  by  labour  or 
as  Economic  by  plunder,  now  led  to  the  introduction  of  that 
great  institution  which  has  been  the  starting- 
point  of  human  culture.1  When  once  slavery  became 
general,  masters  had  the  possibility  of  leisure  for  other 
forms  of  activity,  and  the  complex  fabric  of  truly  human 
society  began  to  arise.  The  same  needs  which  led  to  the 
introduction  of  slavery  contributed  to  sustain  it.  The 
master  provided  his  slaves  with  food  and  clothing,  they 
gathered  about  his  hearth  as  members  of  his  household, 
he  possessed  the  fire  where  they  found  protection  against 
the  cold.  Thus  the  patriarchal  household  was  secure  and 
stable  because  in  its  life  master  and  slave  alike  found 
these  fundamental  needs  satisfied. 

In  the  whole  course  of  industrial  progress  these  original 
needs  of  man  have  remained  the  strongest  and  most 
These  Needs  universally  potent,  and  to-day  they  are  still 
the  Basis  of  fundamental.  In  regions  naturally  barren,  or 
Society.  where  social  conditions  have  made  it  difficult 
to  secure  sustenance,  the  higher  forms  of  society  have 
never  prospered.  Only  when  men  are  fed  and  warmed 
have  they  any  leisure  or  interest  for  higher  social  activi- 
ties. And  those  who  deal  with  the  degenerate  classes 
learn  to  appreciate  the  force  of  these  needs  as  spurs  to 
progress.  The  most  hopeless  cases  are  those  which  prac- 
tically have  no  standard  of  living  and  are  ready  to 
accept  whatever  fortune  brings.  The  first  work  of  the 
man  who  would  help  such  cases  is  to  make  them  feel 
new  needs,  to  make  them  dissatisfied  with  having  nothing, 
that,  in  the  effort  for  something,  the  habit  of  effort  may 
be  formed. 

Upon  these  fundamental  stimuli  depends  the  whole 
industrial  fabric.  They  are  as  potent  to  rouse  men  to 
activity  when  each  individual  performs  some  slight  part 
1  Article  "Slavery,"  in  Encyclopaedia  Britannica. 


CAUSES   OF  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.  97 

in  preparing  goods  for  the  world -market,  as  when  a 
These  Needs  sava»e  provides  the  food  of  a  savage  for  him- 
as  stimuli  to  self  and  his  family.  Stupendous  economic  in- 
developed  stitutions  have  been  called  into  being,  the  whole 
Activity0  world  has  become  one  vast  society  for  the 
production  and  interchange  of  goods,  and  the 
stimuli  which  have  given  rise  to  the  whole  and  still  keep 
it  in  motion  are  these  simple  needs  of  man's  physical 
nature.  The  economic  structure  is  as  universal  as  these 
needs — practically  no  one  can  separate  himself  from  it 
and  live.  And  it  will  appear  later  that  this  structure  is 
the  basis  of  the  higher  forms  of  social  life.  Political  life 
and  the  state  have  arisen  in  the  effort  to  defend  property 
as  well  as  life.  The  economic  struggle  for  existence  has 
become  fairly  an  intellectual  struggle,  and  mind  is  de- 
veloped in  the  effort  to  maintain  a  position  in  the 
economic  world.  Moral  rules  and  aesthetic  ideals  are 
not  independent  of  economic  life,  but  are  rather  its  off- 
spring. 

Thus  with  the  development  of  society  the  power  of 
these  needs  becomes  greater,  the  activity  occasioned  by 

_..,     _        them  grows  more  varied,  and  the  range  of  this 

Wider  Range        .      & 

of  Activity    activity  is  increased.     The  savage  eats  when 

stimulated  he  has  game,  and  takes  no  thought  of  another 
meal  in  the  future;  hunger  comes  over  him, 
and  once  more  he  feels  an  impulse  stimulating 
him  to  activity.  The  civilised  man  feels  the  constant 
power  of  these  stimuli,  and  all  his  life  is  governed  with 
reference  to  the  satisfaction  of  these  needs  as  they  recur. 
And  with  complex  society  these  needs  are  no  longer 
satisfied  by  what  will  merely  sustain  life  and  protect  the 
body  from  extremes  of  temperature.  Society  has  created 
a  higher  "standard  of  living"  as  it  is  called,  and  that 
determines  the  food  and  the  clothing  that  are  needed. 
The  number  of  courses  absolutely  necessary  for  dinner 
depends  on  rank  in  society ;  fashion  decides  what  clothing 
is  required ;  the  dwelling-house  is  not  for  protection  but 
H 


98  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

for  "  comfort."  Under  the  altered  conditions  the  activity 
stimulated  by  these  needs  changes  its  entire  character. 
In  order  to  supply  the  new  needs  more  activity  is  neces- 
sary, and  activity  in  a  far  greater  and  more  complex 
social  organisation.  They  can  only  be  satisfied  in  a  stable 
organisation,  so  that  as  they  become  more  complex  men 
hesitate  more  and  more  before  lending  countenance  to 
schemes  subversive  of  the  existing  social  order.  Finally, 
the  ideals  associated  with  the  "  standard  of  living  "  have 
an  important  influence  in  shaping  other  forms  of  social 
activity  than  the  economic. 

The   second   original   social   stimulus   is   the   need   of 
protection  against  one's  fellow  beings.     In  all  stages  of 

society,  but  particularly  in  the  lower,  hostile 
2.  Need  of      .    a  ,  A  .       , 

Protection     mnuences   surround   man.     An   animal   must 

against  have  some  means  of  defence,  either  strength 
Fellow-men  to  fight  or  speed  to  run  away.  Man  lives  in 

as  a  Social  manv  quarters  of  the  globe  where  neither  his 
Stimulus.  J. 

speed  nor  his  strength  of  arm  can  protect  him 

from  his  foes.  He  must  rely  on  some  higher  means  of 
defence  or  perish ;  and  it  is  only  as  men  fight  in  groups, 
and  with  the  reason  that  is  developed  and  transmitted 
by  mutual  intercourse,  that  they  can  hope  to  subdue  to 
themselves  the  beasts  of  the  field.  But  the  worst  foe  of 
man  is  man  himself.  Under  peculiar  circumstances, 
some  savage  races  have  lived  in  such  small  and  fluid 
groups  that,  on  the  whole,  they  have  succeeded  in  avoid- 
ing each  other.  Ordinarily  this  is  impossible,  and  man 
lias  found  protection  from  his  fellows  by  uniting  with 
his  fellows.  We  find  the  same  process  as  in  the  for- 
mation of  physical  units ;  the  component  parts  form 
temporary  and  ever-changing  alliances  in  their  ceaseless 
competitions  with  each  other.  For  man  protection  means 
defensive  strength ;  and  the  need  of  this  leads  to  union, 
to  the  beginnings  of  a  common  life  that  may  become 
political.  Such  groups,  with  strength  to  defend  the 
individual,  are  a  necessity,  and  expulsion  from  the  tribe 


CAUSES   OF  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.  99 

may  amount  to  a  sentence  of  death.  This  need  of 
protection  manifests  itself  in  the  emotional  life  as  fear, 
and  the  fear  of  hostility  has  come  to  have,  as  a  part  of  its 
very  being,  the  instinct  for  union,  so  that  nothing  is  so 
potent  as  fear  to  kindle  delight  in  the  presence  of 
others.  Many  savage  tribes  only  unite  in  the  presence 
of  a  common  danger,  and  fear  is  always  a  potent  force 
in  developing  functional  bonds  of  union. 

The  degree  of  strength  (defensive  or  offensive)  which 
a  tribe  is  likely  to  attain,  is  in  large  measure  determined 

by  the   demands   made   on   it.      The   phrase, 
This  Need       ,,11  e  »  i  i 

Varies  with      balance  of  power,    has  scarcely  any  meaning 

the  Position  in  the  politics  of  savage  tribes  ;  to  find  a  place 
of  the  among  strong  tribes,  a  tribe  must  itself  be 

strong,  else  it  cannot  preserve  its  indepen- 
dence. Nor  is  a  tribe  likely  to  develop  great 
strength  among  weak  neighbours ;  where  pressure  from 
outside  is  lacking,  an  empire  may  break  up  through  the 
very  repulsion  of  its  parts,  so  soon  as  the  military  power 
which  constructed  it  grows  weak.  Thus  the  form  in 
which  this  need  of  protection  is  met,  is  determined  by 
natural  selection.  Strength  is  developed  according  to 
the  need,  and  the  tribe  that  fails  to  develop  it  goes  to 
the  wall. 

The  rude  political  body  thus  formed  as  a  protection 
for  life,  is  a  most  important  social  unit.  It  is  the  germ 
The  Early  °f  the  state,  and  under  the  protection  of  its 
state  meets  growing  power  we  may  expect  to  find  the 
this  Need,  beginnings  of  true  economic  life,  and  the  more 
rapid  advancement  of  social  and  psychical  life.  In  this 
group  the  individual  finds,  in  the  first  place,  protection 
from  outside,  a  little  world  in  which  ordinarily  he  can 
live  at  peace;  and  such  peace  is  the  first  condition  of 
progress.  Secondly,  he  is  obliged  to  cultivate  a  modus 
vivendi  with  his  fellows  who  are  members  of  the  same 
little  world.  Here  we  find  the  beginnings  of  property ; 
men  agree  to  respect  certain  possessions  of  their  neigh- 


loo  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

Lours.  Here  also  are  to  be  found  the  beginnings  of  law 
and  rights,  and  perhaps  the  beginnings  of  ethics. 

With  the  development  of  society,  the  function  of 
protection  becomes  even  more  important  than  at  first, 
Need  of  ^or  ^e  n^Sner  stages  of  culture  depend  abso- 
Protection  in  lutely  upon  such  a  shelter  from  outside  attack 
Developed  as  is  afforded  by  the  state.  A  higher  civilisa- 
Civihsation.  ^Qn  ^ag  go  mucn  more  at  stake,  as  it  rises 

from  lower  stages,  that  those  who  prize  it  will  sacrifice 
correspondingly  more  to  shelter  it.  Undoubtedly  the 
cost  of  government  is  excessively  great  to-day,  but 
comparatively  few  murmurs  are  heard  against  this. 
The  debt  of  civilisation  to  the  state  takes  form  in  the 
sentiment  of  patriotism,  which  is  gradually  developed 
as  the  strongest  support  of  the  state,  and  we  only  know 
the  strength  of  this  sentiment  when  some  danger  im- 
pends. 

At  the  same  time  the  state  continues  to  protect  a 
man  from  his  neighbours,  for  it  is  this  need  of  protection 
Greater  which  keeps  in  motion  the  whole  apparatus  of 
need  of  law,  both  legislative  and  judiciary.  Here  the 
Protection  stimulus  has  increased  both  in  range  and  in 
withm  the  intensity.  It  is  stronger  to-day,  for  more  is  at 
stake.  In  primitive  society  it  is  a  day's  work 
only  that  may  be  stolen ;  while  now  the  accumulations 
of  generations  are  to  be  protected  by  law.  Its  range  is 
largely  increased.  The  chief  of  a  primitive  tribe  only 
gives  advice  which  may  aid  in  the  settlement  of  disputes, 
and  a  man  has  hardly  any  rights  which  his  neighbour  is 
bound  to  respect.  The  individual's  rights,  with  the 
liberties  and  the  duties  which  they  imply,  are  even 
to-day  increasing  rapidly  in  the  highest  civilisations 
we  know ;  and  there  is  a  corresponding  increase  in  what 
society  may  undertake  in  securing  to  the  individual  his 
rights.  Apart  from  all  question  as  to  the  proper  fields  of 
state  activity,  the  functions  of  the  police  and  of  the 
courts  in  the  mere  exercise  of  protection  are  many-fold 


CAUSES  OF  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.  101 

greater  than  they  were  two  or  three  centuries  ago  in 
civilised  Europe.1  The  whole  range  of  political  activity 
goes  back  for  its  fundamental  stimulus  to  the  simple  need 
of  protection. 

This  is  not  the  place  to  trace  in  detail  the  emotions 
which  at  all  times  have  determined  man's  attitude  toward 
3  Emotions  ^s  feU°ws-  But  while  these  emotions  have 
as  Causes  not  resulted  in  definite  social  institutions, 
of  Social  their  influence  has  been  felt  as  an  aid1  or  a 
c  ivi  y.  hindrance  in  all  forms  of  activity,  and  in  the 
development  of  all  kinds  of  institutions.  From  the  stand- 
point of  sociological  investigation,  they  may  naturally  be 
divided  into  two  classes  :  the  self-regarding,  such  as  envy 
and  anger ;  and  those  which  centre  011  others — sympathy, 
friendship,  and  love. 

The  conditions  of  primitive  society  favoured  the  de- 
velopment of  self-regarding  emotions,  and  did  not  supply 

0  ,.         the  checks  which  in  later  times  have  restrained 
(a.)  Sell- 
regarding      their  operation.     Egoism  is  a  universal  attri- 

Emotions  in  bate  among  savage  races,  and  in  many 
Primitive  countries  the  strained  effort  to  procure  suste- 

Society. 

nance  does  not  permit  man  to  forget  himself. 
Anger,  not  being  subject  to  the  restraints  of  later  times, 
seems  to  be  only  destructive  of  justice;  but  anger 
becomes  revenge,  and,  historically,  revenge  is  the  strong 
tap-root  of  what  is  to  become  justice.  Envy  and  rivalry 
generally  seem  to  be  destructive  of  the  slow-growing 
habits  of  civilisation.  Envy  of  another's  prosperity  is 
a  motive  to  slay  him,  until  the  prosperous  man  comes  to 
fear  even  the  envy  of  the  gods.  Kivalry  between  two 
tribes  has  often  prolonged  their  feuds  until  both  were 
crippled.  And  yet  the  activity  produced  by  these  stimuli 
has  frequently  been  the  very  thing  necessary  lor  progress  ; 
for  unless  this  or  some  other  equally  potent  force  had 
roused  men  from  the  inertia  of  the  savage,  and  had 
broken  the  habit  which  had  beconife  a  barrier  to  progress, 
1  Leroy-Beaulieu,  The  Modern  State,  Bk.  III.  ch.  ii. 


102  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

a  tribe  would  have  fallen  a  victijn  to  the  very  progress 
it  had  made  in  the  past. 

As  civilisation  has  advanced,  the  destructive  effects  of 
anger  and  revenge  have  been  in  a  measure  controlled. 
Self-  Justice  is  supposed  to  have  passed  beyond  the 

regarding  stage  of  vigilance  committees  and  lynching. 
Emotions  in  None  the  less,  the  arm  of  justice  still  depends' 

Developed  Qn  a  rjorhte0iis  anger  to  stimulate  its  action, 
Society.  .  .  ° 

and  it  is  only  the  coward  who  does  not  resent 

an  insult.  To-day  rivalry  and  ambition  are  forces  mighty 
to  determine  the  lives  of  men  and  the  course  of  society. 
Business  life  and  political  life  are  ruled  by  the  desire  to 
succeed ;  scholars  and  artists  pursue  knowledge  and  art 
for  their  own  personal  ends ;  and  too  often  the  highest 
forms  of  activity  are  marred  by  most  petty  jealousies. 
So  the  love  of  acquisition,  vanity  and  the  love  of  display, 
the  love  of  praise,  the  whole  list  of  self -regarding 
emotions,  are  stimuli  to  social  activity;  and  the  current 
of  social  life  is  directed  by  the  feelings  of  individuals. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  dwell  on  the  importance  of 
sympathy  and  the  love  of  companionship  as  stimuli  to 
(6).  General  social  activity.  In  their  lowest  form  they  are 
sympathetic  manifested  as  sympathetic  fear  and  sym- 
Emotions.  pathetic  pleasure;  a  group  of  men  share  the 
fear  of  one,  or  the  glad  state  of  one  is  infectious  and 
determines  the  mood  of  all.  The  faculty  of  imitation  is 
related  to  this  form  of  sympathy ;  we  all  have  a  tendency 
to  act  out  what  we  think  and  what  we  see  others  doing, 
so  that  modes  of  action  as  well  as  feelings  tend  to  spread 
through  the  group.  Important  as  this  instinctive  sym- 
pathy is  in  uniting  the  primitive  group  and  rendering  it 
homogeneous,  it  is  very  far  from  the  distinctly  human 
love  of  companionship.  The  higher  forms  of  friendship 
depend  on  personality,  and  personality  is  developed  in 
society.  The  lower  love  of  companionship  manifests 
itself  to-day  in  the  club,  and  in  many  of  the  forms  of 
activity  known  as  "  polite  society."  Friendship  and  love 


CAUSES  OF  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.  103 

are  higher  developments  of  this  emotion,  and  unite 
smaller  groups  in  a  closer,  more  permanent,  union. 

Besides  these  general  sympathetic  emotions  there  are 
others,  more  or  less  closely  associated  with  the  sexual 
(c)  Sym-  instinct,  which  have  as  their  object  particular 
pathetic  individuals.  This  class  of  emotions  is  by  far 
Emotions  ^IQ  most  direct  stimulus  to  social  activity,  for 
towards  ^  results  in  the  family.  The  extent  of  the 
particular  social  group  thus  formed  varies  widely,  and  its 
individuals.  character  changes  with  its  extent.  It  may 
consist  of  but  two,  who  find  special  delight  in  each  other's 
society.  Among  animals,  as  well  as  among  men,  it  in- 
cludes also  the  offspring,  for  the  young  must  be  protected 
and  fed.  Finally  the  family  clan  may  include  all  who 
believe  they  are  descended  from  common  parentage. 
The  clan  based  on  blood-relationship  has  quite  generally 
preceded  the  tribe  as  the  conserver  of  culture  and  the 
administrator  of  justice,  so  that  the  tie  of  blood  has 
opened  the  way  for  various  and  most  important  social 
activities. 

The  emotions  connected  with  the  sexual  instincts  are 
but  the  starting-point  for  the  unity  of  the  family,  for  the 
Broad  reach  individuals  who  are  thus  brought  together 
of  Emotions  enter  into  new  and  broader  relations.  The 
developed  in  family  proper  constitutes  a  unit  in  which  the 
different  members  perform  different  functions 
for  the  good  of  the  whole.  The  "parental  instinct," 
fostered  by  dependent  children,  increases  indefinitely  the 
power  of  the  stimuli  to  economic  and  political  activity 
already  considered.  The  new  relations  of  the  family  are 
the  most  powerful  stimulus  impelling  man  to  look  beyond 
the  present  and  to  provide  for  emergencies  in  the  future ; 
and  they  are  also  a  stimulus  impelling  him  to  look  above 
the  present.  The  family  develops  the  habit  of  provi- 
dence and  the  habit  of  progress.  In  every  stage  of  social 
development  family  interests  are  the  strongest  stimulus 
to  activity  for  the  good  of  others.  Brother  is  ready  to 


104  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY 

die  for  brother,  or  the  mother  for  her  child,  long  before 
duties  to  a  man  as  a  man  are  recognised.  Nor  is  there 
ever  any  stronger  motive  to  the  sacrifice  of  self  for 
another  than  the  love  that  is  developed  in  the  family. 
As  civilisation  advances,  family  life  gains  in  power  as  a 
stimulus  to  social  activities.  Everything  pure  and  noble 
centres  in  the  home,  and  the  relations  of  the  family  are 
the  truest  stimulus  to  the  higher  forms  of  activity,  the 
intellectual,  the  moral,  and  the  religious,  activities. 

The  non-essential  or  derived  stimuli  to  social  activity 
differ  from  those  already  discussed  in  that  they  are  not  so 
B.  universal,  and  that  their  power  seems  to  be 

Non-essential  (jue  jn  }arrpe  measure  to  civilisation  itself. 
or  derived  .  • 

Social  They   exist   only   for    men   and   for   societies 

stimuli.  which  have  developed  the  faculty  of  reason. 
In  a  highly  developed  state  of  society  they  may  far 
exceed  the  lower  stimuli  in  power,  and  even  become  the 
basis  of  society. 

The  aesthetic  desires  of  man,  his  love  of  the  beautiful 
which  is  satisfied  only  by  the  perception  of  beautiful 

things,  are  important  stimuli  to  social  activity. 
1.  TheLoveof  r  . 

the  Beautiful  The   sense  of   the   beautiful   is   developed   m 

leads  to  society,  and  remains  a  social  possession.  The 
desire  to  express  ideals  in  forms  of  sense,  and 
to  make  beautiful  objects,  leads  to  much 
social  activity.  The  creation  of  ideals  requires  a  know- 
ledge of  the  deepest  problems  of  life,  and  obliges 
the  artist  to  be  in  a  large  sense  a  social  man.  He  must 
be  in  touch  with  life,  or  his  work  will  not  be  living. 
While  the  stimulus  comes  from  the  deep  appreciation  of 
truth,  the  form  in  which  the  ideal  is  seen  and  in  which  it 
may  be  expressed,  is  no  private  possession.  The  artist 
must  find  artist  companions ;  the  effort  to  create  what  is 
beautiful  leads  to  peculiar  types  of  social  activity  and  of 
social  classes. 

The  power  to  appreciate  beautiful  objects  is  also  a 
social  possession,  and  stimulates  social  activity.  Beautiful 


CAUSES   OF  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.  105 

paintings  and  the  products  of  plastic  art  cannot  be  fully 
known  except  by  those  who  go  over  the  civilised  world  to 
see  them  face  to  face.  Yet  to-day  the  dissemination  of 
accurate  reproductions  has  become  a  very  important 
industry  in  itself.  The  drama  is  written  for  an  audience 
to  share.  Music  shows  its  real  power  when  it  makes  a 
thousand  hearers  as  one  man,  and  takes  full  possession  of 
this  soul.  A  share  in  the  same  ideals,  whatever  be  the 
form  of  their  expression,  produces  new  intimacies  among 
individuals,  and  new  social  groups  are  directly  formed  as 
the  result. 

The   reaction   of    this   love   of    the   beautiful   on  the 
stimuli  already  considered  cannot  be  overlooked.     These 
desires  presuppose  the  satisfaction  of  the  lower 
°ve  °      °    needs   before    they    have   a   real   opportunity 
affects  the     to    assert    their    power.        Accordingly,    the 
Ordinary       cultivation  of  these  higher  needs  is  the  most 
vital  stimulus  to  satisfy  lower  needs,  and,  as 
it  were,  to  set  them  aside.     Two  results  have 
been  noted  from  the  attempt  to  introduce  art  education 
among   the    lower    classes    in    England.1      In   the    first 
place,   even   moderate   success   has   resulted   in   a  most 
powerful  stimulus  to  shake  off  habits   of    poverty   and 
inertia.     Men  who  could  make  time  for  the  satisfaction 
of  higher  needs,  received  just  the  necessary  encourage- 
ment to  do  this.      And,  secondly,  the  recognition  of  the 
ideal   in   forms    of   sense   has   at   times,  even   as   Plato 
suggests,  opened  men's  eyes  for  the  higher  truth  in  some 
of  its  other  forms.     Any  genuine  love  of  the  beautiful 
modifies  the  whole  of  life. 

Men's  intellectual  needs  are  no  small  factor 
2.  Intellec- 
tual Needs     in  determining  the  character  and  intensity  of 

lead  to  social  life.     The  strength   of    these   needs   is 

shown    by    the   institutions    for  the  propaga- 
ActivitVt 

tion  of   truth,  by   institutions   for  investiga- 
tion,   and    by    the    intellectual    intercourse    to    which 

1  V.  Bosanquet.     Essays  and  Addresses,  London,  1891,  pp.  25  sqq. 


io6  •  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

they  give  rise.  The  first  class  of  institutions  include 
the  school,  the  platform,  and  the  press.  They  exist 
simply  to  satisfy  man's  need  of  truth,  and  of  a  mind 
developed  to  know  the  truth.  We  believe  that  the  child 
should  start  in  life  with  a  certain  mental  equipment ; 
and  the  needs  thus  developed  are  a  constant  stimulus 
to  intellectual  intercourse,  else  they  would  be  hardly 
worth  developing.  The  second  class  of  institutions 
express  this  need  in  a  yet  stronger  form.  The  scholar 
studies  for  himself,  because  the  spirit  within  him  can 
only  be  satisfied  by  a  constantly  enlarging  view  of  truth. 
And  he  studies  for  society ;  the  intellectual  world  awaits 
the  communication  of  his  discoveries.  Every  advance 
in  literature  or  in  science  widens  man's  interests,  and 
strengthens  his  need  of  truth.  Society,  in  both  the 
lower  and  higher  forms  of  its  activity,  is  profoundly 
affected  by  this  stimulus. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  treat  in  detail  the  need  of  moral 
approval  and  the  need  of  moral  association,  or  the  need 
of  religious  communion,   as  stimuli   to   social 
and  activity.      In   some   finely   constituted  minds 

Religious  the  sense  of  right  and  duty  seems  to  be  the 
Needs  Lead  only  spring  of  activity.  Apparently  they  can 
*°^.ocia  dispense  with  the  stimulus  due  to  any  lower 
need,  and  even  with  the  support  to  be  drawn 
from  communion  with  a  higher  power.  The  friendship 
based  on  love  for  the  same  moral  ideals  is  one  of  the 
highest,  purest,  forms  of  friendship.  The  power  of  moral 
ideals  to  stimulate  and  control  social  life,  is  shown  almost 
as  clearly  in  the  lower  as  in  the  higher  stages  of  society. 
So  man's  need  of  religious  communion  with  God,  and 
religious  association  with  his  fellows,  has  always  brought 
men  together  in  common  worship  of  God.  The  power  of 
this  motive  is  evident  only  when  all  the  influence  of 
culture  and  all  the  authority  of  the  state  have  been 
exerted  to  prevent  its  normal  expression  in  religious 
activity.  But  when  it  is  allowed  to  develop  in  normal 


CAUSES  OF  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.  107 

religious  life,  the  institutions  to  which  it  gives  rise  and 
their  influence  on  every  side  of  social  life,  are  a  con- 
stant evidence  of  its  social  importance.  Like  the  moral 
ideal,  but  with  a  more  personal  appeal,  the  religious 
need  claims  the  right  to  absorb  all  the  others  and  to 
stamp  its  impress  on  them. '  It  so  governs  and  con- 
trols the  whole  of  life,  that  the  history  of  religion 
may  almost  claim  to  be  the  history  of  society. 

To  these  various  stimuli  affecting  the  individuals  who 
compose  society,  is  due  the  life  and  activity  of  society. 
Two   things   are   clear  as   the  result   of   this 
discussion.     First,  the  life  of  society  centres 
in  individuals ;  and  these  two  factors,  society  and  indi- 
viduals,  can  only  be   understood   by   studying  them  as 
interacting   factors.      Secondly,   the   different    forms    of 
social  activity,  and  the  different  social  aggregates  arising 
in  each  form,  should  be  classified  according  to  the  simple 
stimuli  to  which  each  form  of  activity  is  due. 


CHAPTEE  VI. 

THE  MODES   OF   SOCIAL  ACTIVITY. 

THE  student  desiring  to  understand  the  complex  life  of 
society  and  the  lines  of  its  development,  finds  himself 
Variety  of  in  difficulty  at  the  outset,  because  of  the  con- 
Social  fused  variety  of  phenomena  that  present 
Phenomena,  themselves  to  him.  The  first  work  of  the 
new  science  of  society,  the  classification  of  social  phe- 
nomena, has  not  yet  been  done  with  any  success.  Earlier 
writers  spoke  of  family,  church,  and  state  as  the  funda- 
mental social  units ;  for  Comte,  the  individual,  the  family, 
and  "  society  "  are  the  social  organs ;  and  Spencer  would 
classify  social  activities  and  institutions  according  to  the 
three  "  systems  "  of  organs  found  in  the  higher  animals. 
Frequently  these  classifications  have  involved  the  logical 
error  of  division  according  to  more  than  one  principle; 
but,  apart  from  logical  blunders,  students  of  society  have 
conspicuously  failed  to  agree  on  any  one  classification, 
and  this  failure  (to  agree  on  some  common  foundation) 
has  proved  almost  fatal  to  any  real  progress  in  the 
science. 

The  scientific  value  of  a  true  classification  lies  not  so 
much  in  its  convenience,  or  in  its  function  as  the  basis  of 
The  Genetic  anv  successful  union  among  students — im- 
Principie  of  portant  though  these  undoubtedly  are — as  in 
Classification.  the  fact  that  it  represents  in  itself  the  funda- 
mental relations  of  the  phenomena  under  consideration. 
Almost  any  sort  of  classification  serves  the  former  pur- 

108 


THE  MODES   OF  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.  109 

pose  to  some  extent,  but  the  theory  of  evolution  has 
wrought  a  great  change  in  the  logic  of  natural  science,  by 
demonstrating  that  there  is  one  really  natural  method  of 
classification.  If  organisms  of  different  species  have 
sprung  from  one  common  stock,  the  genetic  relation 
between  them,  wherever  it  can  be  discovered,  determines 
the  true,  the  natural  classification.  The  evolution  of 
social  activities  and  social  institutions  bears  a  consider- 
able resemblance  to  the  evolution  of  organisms ;  and  if 
complex  social  phenomena  can  be  traced  back  to  a  few 
simple  sources,  it  will  give  the  key  to  the  genetic  classifi- 
cation which  a  natural  science  seeks.1 

In  the  last  chapter  it  was  shown  that  man's  needs  and 
emotions  were  the  causes  of  social  activity,  and  that  these 
The  ciassifi-  stmiuli  to  social  life  were  comparatively  simple 
cation  of  and  easily  classified.  Following  this  clue,  we 
Social  can  give  without  hesitation  the  classification 

Phenomena.  of  gocial  activitj,es  according  to  the  stimuli 
from  which  they  spring,  in  the  following  four  groups : 
(1)  Economic,  (2)  "Social"  (including  domestic),  (3) 
Political  (and  legal),  (4)  Psychical.  Social  groups  arise 
in  the  performance  of  definite  social  activities,  and  the 
most  important  bond  of  union  consists  of  their  common 
function  (chap,  iii.),  consequently  the  principle  for  the 
classification  of  social  activities  is  at  the  same  time  the 
principle  for  the  classification  of  social  groups.  And 
social  institutions,  as  I  hope  to  show  in  the  present  and 
the  following  chapters,  are  in  reality  habits  of  some  phase 
of  social  activity ;  their  influence  extends  far  beyond  the 
activities  in  which  they  arise,  but  they  are  classified 
according  to  the  same  principle  as  the  forms  of  social 
activity.  Finally,  the  complex  forms  of  social  activity 
can  more  easily  be  reduced  to  the  simple  forms  from 
which  they  are  derived,  when  the  student  is  guided  by 

1 1  have  discussed  the  question  of  the  classification  of  social  phenomena 
more  fully  in  an  article  in  the  Bibliutheca  Sacra  for  January,  1896. 


i io  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

the  principle  that  has  been  stated.  In  this  way  we  can 
hope  to  reach  a  classification  of  social  phenomena  that  is 
final  (for  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge),  a  classifi- 
cation that  will  prove  the  basis  for  common  study  of 
social  life  and  the  starting-point  for  a  more  complete 
understanding  of  social  life. 

The  fundamental  mode  of  social  activity  is  the  economic 
or  industrial.  The  need  of  food,  which  man  shares  with 
I  The  ^e  animal  >  khe  ntied  °f  protection  against 
Economic  c°ld  and  we^,  on  which  life  itself  depends ; 
Mode  of  and  all  the  various  modifications  of  these 
simple  needs,  which  were  considered  in  the 
preceding  chapter,  are  the  sources  of  this 
activity.  It  is  as  universal  as  are  the  simple  needs  of 
human  nature,  though  its  influence  on  other  forms  of 
social  life  is  no  doubt  very  different  in  crabbed  northern 
climates  from  what  it  is  in  prolific  lands  near  the  equator. 
In  the  lowest  forms  of  society  which  we  can  conceive — 
if  indeed  we  can  call  it  society — these  needs  cannot  lead 
to  any  definite  and  lasting  social  activity.  They  are 
indeed  present  in  full  power ;  but  each  individual  or 
social  group  satisfies  them  as  best  it  may;  one  eats  the 
food  he  gets,  and  wears  the  skins  he  has  prepared,  but 
the  economic  form  of  social  life  hardly  exists  as  yet. 
There  is  no  value,  for  exchange  has  not  begun ;  no  wealth, 
for  each  individual  or  clan  simply  satisfies  its  own  needs 
without  coming  into  comparison  with  anyone  else ;  true 
social  life,  really  human  life,  exists  only  in  germ. 

When  circulation  intervenes  between  the  production  of 
what  satisfies  want,  and  its  immediate  consumption,  it  is 
The  Else  of  possible  to  speak  of  a  true  economic  activity 
Economic  of  society.  The  simple  bond  of  exchange 
Activity.  unites  men,  at  first  rarely  and  for  a  brief 
moment,  then  more  regularly  and  more  permanently,  in  a 
common  activity  for  the  satisfaction  of  economic  needs. 
The  stimulus  still  acts  on  individuals,  but  it  leads  them  to 
work  together,  till  all  that  each  one  does  must  be  con- 


THE  MODES   OF  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.  in 

sidered  from  the  social  standpoint  as  part  of  the  in- 
dustrial activity  of  society.  The  needs  are  still  universal, 
and  the  resulting  social  activity  embraces  the  whole  of 
society.  No  one  escapes  from  it,  for  no  one  is  free  from 
the  need  of  food  and  clothing ;  no  one  can  really  isolate 
himself  from  the  social  activity  that  meets  these  needs, 
for  the  industrial  activity  of  society  is  modified  by  the 
attitude  of  each  individual  toward  it.  The  social  activity 
resulting  from  economic  needs,  then,  is  coextensive  with 
society,  and  every  individual  has  his  place  in  the  economic 
or  industrial  life  of  society. 

The  economic  mode  of  social  activity  develops  simul- 
taneously in  three  phases,  which  are  commonly  known  as 
Three  phases  production,  circulation,  and  consumption.  The 
of  Economic  special  science  dealing  with  economic  phe- 
Activity.  nomena  naturally  considers  these  phases  in  the 
above  order.  It  studies  the  production  of  goods,  and  traces 
them  from  their  economic  origin  to  their  economic  end. 

The  science  of  society  is  concerned  not  with  goods 
but  with  persons,  so  that  it  treats  the  subject  in  a 
different  order.  In  the  history  of  culture  wealth  begins 
with  exchange,  not  with  production ;  it  is  the  circulation 
of  commodities  which  first  unites  individuals  or  groups  in 
a  common  activity  that  deserves  the  name  economic. 
For  sociology  circulation  is  the  fundamental  fact;  con- 
sumption, or  the  working  of  the  economic  motives,  the 
second  fact  to  be  considered ;  chronologically  as  well  as 
logically,  production  is  to  be  considered  last. 

Circulation  is  based  on  the  fact  that  men  are  different ; 
different  in  their  nature  and  capacities,  and  different  in 
(a).  Circuia-  their  surroundings.  The  needs  of  any  one  are 
tion.  most  easily  met  when  several  unite,  each  to 

supply  what  he  is  best  able,  to  this  end.  Historically  the 
supply  of  such  a  mineral  as  salt,  or  the  possession  of  a 
good  fishing-ground,  or  some  other  abundant  source  of 
food,  commonly  furnished  the  motive  to  meet  the  want 
of  other  things  by  exchange.  So  soon  as  society  was 


112  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

stable  enough  to  permit  the  development  of  farther 
differences  in  skill,  the  range  of  exchange  was  much 
widened.  Exchange,  the  circulation  of  goods,  is  the 
fundamental  form  of  economic  activity.  It  determines 
the  limits  of  an  economic  society,  and  the  structure  of 
a  larger  economic  group  is  mainly  due  to  this  phase 
of  its  common  activity. 

The  second  phase  of  economic  activity  is  ordinarily 
called  "consumption."  The  "consumption  of  goods" 
(ft).  Con-  means  for  the  economist  the  obtaining  of 
sumption.  goods  from  a  market,  and  the  devoting  of 
them  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  want  or  desire  which  they 
were  intended  to  satisfy.  The  importance  of  this  branch 
of  economics  to  the  sociologist  is  due  to  the  fact  that 
here  is  the  point  where  the  economic  stimuli  find  their 
application  in  producing  economic  activity.  Economically 
it  is  the  "  desire  to  consume  "  that  leads  men  to  exchange 
what  they  possess,  to  produce  for  the  purpose  of  exchange, 
and  thus  to  obtain  what  they  need.  The  study  of  the 
needs  men  feel,  and  the  degree  to  which  they  feel  them, 
is  the  direct  key  to  an  understanding  of  the  particular 
forms  of  economic  activity. 

Thirdly,  economic  activity  is  to  be  studied  from  the 
standpoint  of  production.  Production  for  a  market  is 
(c).  Produc-  the  direct  result  of  the  utility  of  exchange ; 
tion.  men  undertake  to  meet  a  market  demand 

when  that  is  the  surest  way  of  meeting  their  own  needs. 
The  possibility  of  the  development  of  exchange,  and  of 
economic  consumption,  lies  just  here ;  as  production  for  a 
market  develops  and  controls  industrial  life,  circulation 
increases  its  range,  and  economic  solidarity  results  from 
the  increasing  dependence  of  each  individual  on  the 
society  in  which  he  lives  his  industrial  life.  The  pro- 
duction of  the  goods  men  use  is  so  much  more  of  an 
affair  than  the  exchange  of  goods  or  their  consumption, 
that  naturally  the  organisation  of  society  for  production, 
the  so-called  industrial  organisation  in  the  stricter  sense 


THE  MODES  OF  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.  113 

of  the  term,  sets  its  mark  on  all  economic  activity,  and 
indeed  on  all  the  life  of  society. 

The  three  phases  of  economic  activity  must  be  con- 
sidered in  another  chapter  more  in  detail,  in  order  to 
Economic  understand  their  development  and  their  social 
Activity,  importance.  At  this  point  I  desire  to  empha- 
Groups1,  sise  t|ie  fact  tnak  economic  stimuli  cause  an 


Institutions.  •          **  M        p          •  j.  i         •  -n      <- 

economic  activity  of  society,  embracing  all  of 

society  because  the  needs  in  question  exist  for  every 
individual.  Economic  activity  appears  in  three  phases, 
and  in  each  phase  particular  groups  are  formed  to  per- 
form particular  functions  —  in  each  phase  special  institu- 
tions arise  to  meet  special  ends.  The  economic  group 
like  other  social  groups,  is  to  be  understood  only  from  the 
standpoint  of  its  function  in  the  universal  economic  life 
of  a  society.  The  economic  institution  is  in  reality  a 
habit  of  economic  activity,  and  it  accomplishes  even  more 
in  facilitating  and  extending  this  activity  than  do  the 
habits  of  the  individual  man,  out  of  which  grows  his 
entire  power  to  accomplish  the  ends  he  sets  before  him. 

The  economic  life  of  society  proceeds  from  a  few 
definite  sources,  and  continues  to  depend  on  springs  of 
Economic  activity  that  are  not  difficult  to  analyse;  it 
Activity  and  can  be  studied  by  itself,  as  is  proved  by  the 
other  forms  existence  of  a  science  of  economics.  And  yet 
cm  i  e.  •  ^  (joeg  noj.  ex^st  by  itseif  ;  it  is  so  closely 
interlinked  with  the  "social"  and  domestic  organisation 
of  society,  that  neither  the  "social"  nor  the  economic 
organisation  of  society  can  be  truly  explained  when  they 
are  studied  alone.  Political  influences  favour  or  hinder 
economic  development;  the  state  rests  back  on  the 
industrial  life  that  a  people  has  developed.  Psychical 
life  arises  as  an  offshoot  of  the  common  life  by  which 
man's  simplest  needs  are  met,  and  at  length  supplies  new 
motive  and  wiser  direction  to  economic  activity.  In  a 
word,  economic  activity  springs  from  definite  motives, 
and  so  it  may  be  studied  by  itself  ;  but  these  motives  are 
I 


114  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

so  interlaced  with  a  variety  of  other  motives  in  the  man 
himself,  that  no  one  form  of  the  activity  in  which  he 
engages  can  be  said  to  exist  independently  or  can  be 
understood  independently. 

The  second  general  standpoint  from  which  the  activity 
of  society  may  be  studied,  deserves  the  name  social  in  a 
II  The  special  sense.  All  of  society,  as  we  have  seen, 
"Social"  falls  into  economic  classes  and  has  an  econo- 
Activity  of  m[c  }ife-  similarly  all  of  society  falls  into  social 

16  y'  classes,  classes  for  closer  social  intercourse, 
and  such  intercourse  constitutes  its  distinctly  social  life. 
This  social  life  also  has  its  own  peculiar  stimuli,  namely, 
the  emotions  and  interests  which  draw  a  man  to  one 
neighbour,  and  repel  him  from  another.  The  domestic 
life  which  results  from  these  emotions,  together  with 
the  emotions  associated  with  the  sexual  and  the  parental 
instinct,  is  but  one  form  of  the  general  social  life  of 
the  community.  In  fact,  the  family  life  is  not  directly 
included  in  what  is  known  as  "  society,"  for  in  the  close 
union  of  home  life,  members  of  the  family  easily  lose  that 
peculiar  stimulus  which  comes  from  the  contact  of  minds 
that  contribute  something  new  and  fresh  to  each  other  in 
conversation.  In  broader  social  intercourse  the  mind  is 
forcibly  lifted  out  of  common  ruts,  and  quickened  by 
new  ideas  and  new  points  of  view ;  the  desire  for  this 
new  life  gives  rise  to  the  distinctly  social  activity  of 
society,  and  in  this  activity  social  groups  are  formed  and 
social  institutions  arise. 

While  there  is  usually  some  likeness  to  begin  with 
among  those  who  join  in  social  intercourse,  their  associ- 
The  charac-  a^e(^  ^e  can  ^u^  result  in  a  growing  assimila- 
ter  of  the  tion.  The  social  group  is  a  nursery  of  common 
"Social"  habits,  and  it  is  these  habits  or  customs  which 
distinguish  the  group  with  increasing  clearness 
from  other  allied  groups.  The  common  customs  consti- 
tute the  character  of  the  group;  they  may  become  the 
key  of  admission,  since  those  who  have  the  habits  which 


THE  MODES  OF  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.  115 

distinguish  a  particular  class  are  easily  received  into  the 
common  activity  of  that  class.  Herein  lies  the  value  of 
rules  of  etiquette  and  ceremonial  forms,  for  unless  such 
forms  facilitate  social  intercourse  and  bind  men  together 
in  social  classes,  they  are  worse  than  useless.  A  more 
important  characteristic  of  these  social  groups  is  the  social 
ideals,  ideals  of  politeness,  of  accessibility,  liberality,  and 
respect  for  others,  which  are  developed  in  this  social 
intercourse.  Of  these  social  groups  the  family  is  the 
only  one  which  has  become  really  definite  and  fixed,  and 
to  the  discussion  of  this  it  is  necessary  to  devote  a  follow- 
ing chapter.  The  social  club,  and  all  the  "  associations  ** 
and  "societies"  of  the  present  day,  utilise  the  social 
desires,  but  frequently  their  main  end  is  not  distinctly 
social.  The  classes  in  what  is  generally  known  as  society, 
or  polite  society,  are  the  real  groups  for  "social"  life; 
and  the  "  social  scale  "  is  one  name  for  the  social  structure 
of  a  community. 

The  customs  and  conventions  which  mark  the  social 
group  may  be  described  as  habits  of  activity  in  the  social 
Cust  m  the  organism-  They  are  a  social  fact,  though  their 
Fundamental  point  of  application  is  the  individual.  The 
Type  of  all  rise  and  fall  of  custom,  and  the  authority  of 

Social  custom,  constitute  the  most  important  question 

Authority.         „         .   ,          ,      .          .  A 

or  social  evolution ;  it  concerns  the  very  nature 

of  the  group  which  becomes  the  proper  unit  of  society. 
In  developed  society  the  line  is  not  always  sharply  drawn 
between  social  duties  and  excellencies  on  the  one  hand, 
and  moral  duties  and  ideals  on  the  other.  Eeligious 
requirements,  moral  rules,  la\vs  enforced  by  the  state, 
and  customs  enforced  by  social  sanction,  have  sprung 
from  the  same  root;  the  differentiation  of  these  require- 
ments and  their  respective  sanctions  has  not  been  fully 
accomplished  even  yet.  The  character  of  social  life,  and 
the  material  or  content  of  custom,  is  undoubtedly  deter- 
mined by  the  degree  of  civilisation.  Social  life  may, 
perhaps,  begin  as  a  mere  animal  gregariousness ;  with  the 


ii6  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

reign  of  physical  force,  a  rude  political  character  may 
distinguish  social  life ;  where  economic  interests  are  fore- 
most, social  intercourse  will  bear  an  industrial  stamp; 
the  school  and  the  press  mean  that  social  intercourse 
has  risen  to  the  intellectual  plane,  and  the  church,  that 
such  intercourse  may  rise  to  the  religious  plane. 

The  relation  of   the  distinctly  social  activity  of  the 
community  to  its  psychical  life  is  clear  from  the  preceding 

paragraph  :  the  intellectual,  and  the  moral,  and 
Relation  of     f 
"Social"       ^ne  Wligioua  lire  oi    a  community  are  largely 

Activity  specialisations  of  this  social  life.  Accordingly, 
to  other  where  a  genuine  social  life  is  vigorous  and 
orms  o  intense,  conditions  favour  the  development  of 
the  psychical  life.  In  like  manner,  this  social 
activity  lies  at  the  basis  of  political  activity.  The  race, 
i.e.,  those  who  regard  themselves  as  related  to  each  other 
by  reason  of  their  common  language,  common  customs, 
etc.,  is  a  social  development ;  and  the  nation  always  tends 
to  become  coincident  with  the  race.  The  rules  enforced 
by  the  power  of  the  state  are  not  different  in  kind ;  often 
they  do  not  differ  in  origin  from  the  rules  of  custom 
whicli  "society"  enforces  by  its  own  peculiar  sanction. 
Social  activity  is  as  universal  and  as  fundamental  as 
economic  activity.  Association  in  industrial  pursuits 
both  presupposes  the  faculty  of  association,  and  largely 
assists  in  developing  this  faculty.  Social  customs  are  a 
great  bulwark  of  industry  to  render  the  industrial  world 
stable ;  social  classes  and  industrial  classes  so  far  corres- 
pond, that  the  two  relations  work  together  in  harmony  to 
produce  a  fuller  and  richer  common  life  within  the  group. 
The  third  form  of  social  activity,  according  to  the 
above  classification,  is  the  political.  The  stimulus  to 
III.  Political  which  this  form  of  activity  is  due,  is  the  need 
Activity  of  of  protection,  and  the  fear  of  hostile  powers. 
Society.  This  stimulus  has  assumed  a  double  form. 
It  includes  first  the  need  of  protection  for  the  political 
group  as  a  whole,  and  leads  to  the  organisation  of  society 


THE  MODES  OF  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY  117 

in  such  wise  as  to  protect  the  tribe  or  the  state  from 
incursion  or  attack  by  other  political  groups.  It  includes 
also  the  need  of  protection  within  the  tribe  itself,  and 
this  leads  to  the  recognition  of  such  individual  rights, 
and  the  development  of  such  restraining  laws,  as  best 
conduce  to  the  unity  and  strength  of  the  whole  body. 
Accordingly,  the  political  activity  of  society  is  the  con- 
stant readjustment  of  the  government  to  new  internal 
conditions,  and  the  adjustment  of  the  state's  military 
and  diplomatic  service  to  new  external  conditions.  The 
various  and  complex  forms  which  this  activity  assumes, 
centre  in  one  all-embracing  institution,  the  state.  This 
topic  is  so  important  that  the  discussion  of  it  is  deferred 
to  a  separate  chapter ;  and,  inasmuch  as  political  activity 
and  political  structure  really  form  one  question,  they  will 
be  discussed  together.  At  this  point,  it  only  remains  to 
speak  of  the  relation  of  the  political  activity  of  society  to 
the  other  forms  of  social  activity. 

In   a   sense,   the   political  life   of  a   society   may   be 
regarded   as   the    outcome   of  all   the   various  forms  of 

,.  social  activity,  and  the  focus  in  which  they 
Political  Life  J>  .  J 

and  other  meet.  Ihe  nation  has  often  seemed  the  most 
Modes  of  perfect  social  unit,  and  sociology  has  been 
described  as  a  political  science,  or  even  as  the 
political  science.  In  time  past,  the  industrial 
market  has  frequently  coincided  with  the  nation;  the 
idea  of  humanity  has  been  limited  by  the  confines  of  the 
race  and  the  nation,  so  that  social  life,  and  all  the  higher 
psychical  life,  were  but  phases  of  the  people's  national 
life.  A  state  is  no  longer  coincident  with  society,  but 
industry  continues  to  depend  on  the  state  for  the  pro- 
tection of  those  who  engage  in  it ;  common  political 
interests  are  a  powerful  factor  in  the  social  world ;  while 
the  protection  of  a  strong  government  is  necessary  for 
the  higher  developments  of  psychical  life,  and  the  type 
of  government  always  reacts  on  the  character  of  the 
moral  and  intellectual  life. 


Ii8  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

Finally,  the  activity  of  society  may  be  studied  as  a 
psychical  activity.  The  stimuli  to  which  this  activity  is 
IV  Ps  chical  ^ue — aest-hetic,  intellectual,  moral,  and  religious 
Activity  of  needs — have  been  described  in  the  preceding 
Society.  chapter  as  the  non-essential  or  derived  stimuli. 
1.  Aesthetic.  The  love  of  the  beautiful  and  the  desire  to 
enjoy  beautiful  things  produce  the  aesthetic  activity  of 
society,  the  activity  which  arises  in  connection  with  the 
production  and  the  appreciation  of  beautiful  things.  It 
gives  rise  to  institutions  such  as  the  schools  of  art,  in 
which  a  master's  habits  descend  to  his  pupils  and  perhaps 
open  the  way  for  new  creative  masters;  schools  in  which 
lovers  of  beauty  are  trained  to  see  the  beautiful  in  par- 
ticular forms  and  under  particular  conditions.  These 
institutions  are  simply  habitual  ways  in  which  the  master 
creates,  and  his  audience  appreciates,  the  expression  of 
beauty.  They  are  social  habits. 

Similarly,  the  need  of  intellectual  intercourse,  and  the 
desire  to  know  the  truth,  is  the  stimulus  to  the  intellec- 
2  intellec-  ^ual  activity  of  society.  This  intellectual 
tual  Activity  activity  follows  habitual  modes,  and  thus 
and  institu-  gives  rise  to  the  institiitions  for  intellectual 
tions.  intercourse  which  were  mentioned  in  the  last 

chapter.  The  platform  and  the  press  are  such  institu- 
tions for  the  spread  of  truth,  while  the  university  is 
intended  to  be  an  institution  for  research.  But  the 
intellectual  activity  of  society  is  by  no  means  limited  to 
institutions  of  this  sort,  for  it  enters  as  one  element  into 
all  social  intercourse.  Indeed,  differences  in  the  degree 
and  character  of  intellectual  training,  are  one  of  the  most 
important  factors  in  the  differentiation  of  social  classes. 

The  sense  for  beauty  and  the  desire  for  truth  are  social 
Truth  and  facts-  The  truth  that  has  been  attained  and  that 
Beauty  as  finds  expression  in  science  and  philosophy,  and 
Social  jn  art,  does  not  belong  to  any  one  individual, 

Principles.  ^^  ^Q  society.  Not  only  the  desire  to  know  the 
truth,  but  the  very  power  to  recognise  what  is  true,  is 


THE  MODES  OF  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.  119 

developed  in  society  and  is  a  social  possession.  A  Eaphael 
and  a  Beethoven  perceived  the  heautiful  which  their  ages 
sought  to  grasp,  and  brought  it  to  expression.  Bacon  and 
Newton  and  Faraday  had  that  creative  genius  which  could 
formulate  the  scientific  truth  to  which  their  respective 
ages  were  advancing.  The  intellect  does  indeed  centre 
in  the  individual,  but  individuality  itself  develops  as  a 
product  of  the  intellectual  activity  of  society. 

The  psychical  activity  of  society  includes  also  the 
moral  life  which  springs  from  the  need  of  moral  approval 
3  Moral  auc^  moral  association.  This  moral  life  ex- 
activity  and  presses  itself  first  in  the  form  of  certain  rules, 
Moral  "in-  which  have  been  differentiated  from  the  cus- 
ins'  toms  that  mark  the  social  groups.  Custom 
is  enforced  by  the  group  and  within  the  group,  as  the 
distinguishing  characteristic  of  this  body.  A  custom 
becomes  a  moral  rule  when  it  is  regarded  as  universally 
binding,  as  necessary  to  society  as  a  whole,  and  so  en- 
forced by  society  as  a  whole.  The  observance  of  this 
custom  is  a  duty,  and  anyone  who  neglects  it  is  con- 
demned by  society.  It  goes  without  saying  that  this 
transformation  of  custom  into  conscious  rule  is  a  gradual 
process,  in  which  men  of  fine  sense  discern  the  right 
before  their  fellows,  and  can  but  slowly  extend  and  purify 
the  rules  of  right  action.  This  process  is  the  slowly 
developing  moral  life  of  society,  and  the  "institutions" 
which  arise  in  connection  with  it  are  known  as  duties. 
The  moral  life  expresses  itself  also  in  moral  ideals. 
Ideals  are  a  social  fact ;  the  ideals  which  men  create  for 
themselves  are  proposed  to  them  by  the  social  group. 
Noble  intellects  are  trained  by  society  to  perceive  the 
high  ends  which  give  to  life  its  meaning,  and  through 
them  these  ideals  are  developed ;  they  are  produced  in 
society,  as  well  as  a  social  possession.  We  can  never  for- 
get that  morality  centres  in  the  individual  and  aims  to 
control  his  life ;  nor  should  we  forget  that  morality  is  a 
form  of  social  life,  a  habit  of  the  social  group. 


120  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

Almost  universally  in  human  society  men  have  felt  the 
need  of  communion  with  a  God,  and  this  has  led  to  a 
4  Religious  religi°us  activity  of  society.  New  rules  of 
Activity  and  right  and  new  ideals  (closely  associated  with 
Institutions  moral  rules  and  moral  ideals)  arise  through 
ocie  y.  £ne  jntroc[uction  of  a  new  factor,  relation  to 
God.  The  social  nature  of  these  rules  and  ideals  is 
evident  from  the  redistributions  of  society  which  they 
have  always  caused.  The  history  of  religion  discusses  the 
institutions  of  sacrifice  and  purification,  of  churches  and 
priesthoods,  through  which  this  religious  activity  has 
found  expression.  These  institutions  are  the  particular 
forms  assumed  by  this  kind  of  social  activity ;  they  are 
habits  which  characterise  social  groups,  and  give  rise  to 
social  groups.  Religion  centres  in  the  individual,  and 
stands  for  the  relation  of  an  individual  to  his  God ;  but 
the  character  of  this  relation  is  determined  by  society, 
and  preserved  in  society.  Neither  religious  reformers 
nor  students  of  religious  thought  have  failed  to  see  the 
importance  of  religious  fellowship  in  arousing  and 
developing  the  individual's  sense  of  relation  to  God. 
The  religious  life  finds  its  normal  expression  in  the 
church  and,  at  least  in  theory,  no  social  group  is  so 
closely  knit  together  as  is  the  church  in  it.s  common  love 
and  common  worship  of  God ;  nor  does  any  form  of  social 
activity  claim  such  a  comprehensive  authority  over  all  of 
life.  Those  who  reduce  the  church  to  the  place  of  a 
voluntary  association,  fail  to  see  either  its  religious  or  its 
social  meaning. 

To  avoid  any  misapprehension,  I  may  remind  the  reader  of 
tho  definition  of  the  science  of  sociology  ;  as  a  science  sociology 
studies  processes,  and  explains  the  manner  in  which  forms  of 
psychical  life  arise  in  society,  but  it  is  not  concerned  with  the 
origin  or  ultimate  meaning  of  what  it  explains.  So  it  studies 
religion  and  explains  the  manner  in  which  it  arises,  but  it  neither 
denies  nor  affirms  the  real  existence  of  God.  The  Christian 
student  sees  the  working  of  the  divine  hand,  not  in  religion 
alone,  but  in  all  the  forms  of  social  activity  ;  the  religious  life 


THE  MODES  OF  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.  121 

of  society  depends  on  God's  revelation  of  himself,  in  exactly 
the  same  way  in  which  all  social  life  is  the  working  out. of 
God's  plans. 

Inasmuch  as  the  true  unity  of   society   is   psychical 
rather  than  physical,  it  is  evident  that  all  forms  of  social 

activity  find  their  goal  and  their  true  explana- 
Relationof  ,.  .  ,,  ,.  , .  ,,  ,.  ,  ,.  .,  „ 

Psychical  ^lon  ln  ™e  distinctly  psychical  activity  or 
Activity  to  society.  An  industrial  class  becomes  a  society 
other  forms  only  when  its  members  come  to  share  the  same 
°  t-°^a  psychical  life ;  directly  such  a  development  of 
psychical  bonds  makes  the  industrial  class  more 
stable,  until  sometimes  its  fixedness  stands  in  the  way  of 
progress ;  indirectly,  the  development  of  these  higher 
forms  of  activity  brings  more  potent  stimuli  to  bear  on 
the  economic  life,  and  lends  to  the  economic  structure  of 
society  that  general  stability  which  gradually  unites  those 
who  share  the  same  type  of  higher  civilisation.  And 
with  the  progress  of  civilisation,  social  and  political  life 
come  to  feel  the  same  influences.  The  groups  which  are 
united  in  these  forms  of  activity  are  at  length  determined 
rather  by  psychical  differences  than  by  any  external  law ; 
the  social  and  the  political  structure  become  at  the  same 
time  more  complex  and  more  stable  by  the  growth  of 
higher  bonds  of  union ;  while  the  presence  of  the  highest 
ends  and  the  highest  motives  may  place  the  lower  forms 
of  social  life  on  an  entirely  new  plane. 

With  reference  to  all  the  modes  of  social  activity  dis- 
cussed in  the  present  chapter,  it  is  important  to  bear  in 

mind  two  points:  (i)  Each  of  these  modes  of 
Conclusion.  ..  .  c  ^  /  .  .  . 

activity  is  due  to  stimuli  acting  on  the  in- 
dividual mind,  and  each  finds  its  expression  in  individuals; 
and  (2)  they  are  distinctly  forms  of  social  activity,  in 
which  men  are  united  in  social  groups  or  societies,  while 
institutions  are  simply  social  habits  arising  in  connection 
with  these  forms  of  activity. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE   INDUSTRIAL   ORGANISATION   OF   SOCIETY. 

THE  economic  activity  of  society  has  been  defined  as  the 

activity  due  to  man's  fundamental  physical  needs,  the 

need  of  food  and  of  clothing.     Economic  life 

Production    develops,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the  three  phases 

tbe  most 

Important     °*  circulation,  consumption,  and  production  ; 

Factor  in  and  the  discussion  of  industrial  organisation 
Determining  an(j  industrial  institutions  naturally  follows 
Organisation  tn^s  threefold  division.  It  is  the  more 
necessary  to  treat  industrial  organisation 
from  this  threefold  standpoint,  for  the  three  phases  of 
activity  do  not  develop  simultaneously,  nor  do  they  have 
a  co-ordinate  influence  on  other  modes  of  social  activity. 
In  general,  the  forms  of  production  are  so  important  as 
to  determine  the  general  character  of  the  industrial 
organisation.  The  history  of  labour  is  part  of  the  study 
of  production;  tools  and  machinery  are  the  instruments 
of  production ;  the  stages  of  industrial  development  are 
marked  by  the  development  of  methods  and  implements 
of  production.  At  the  same  time,  production  can  hardly 
be  termed  a  form  of  economic  activity  till  circulation 
intervenes  and  goods  are  produced  for  a  market ;  and  the 
motive  for  production  is  always  found  in  the  desire  to 
"  consume." 

The  history  of  man's  nascent  industrial  life  has 
ordinarily  been  written  either  as  an  account  of  the  stone, 
and  the  bronze,  and  the  iron  ages — according  to  the 
material  of  which  implements  are  made — or  as  an  account 


INDUSTRIAL  ORGANISATION  OF  SOCIETY.     123 

of  the  hunting  and  fishing  stage,  the  nomad  stage,  and 
Earl  ^ne  industrial  stage  of  economic  development 

Industrial  — according  to  the  main  source  of  food.  The 
Life  of  Man.  former  may  be  termed  the  archaeological,  the 
(l.)  stone  latter  the  ethnological,  standpoint  for  the  study 
of  primitive  man.  The  earliest  pre- historic 
traces  of  man,  found  in  many  parts  of  the  earth,  are  the 
stone  implements  which  he  used.  The  rude  stone  club, 
the  chipped  flint  that  served  as  spear-head  or  as  knife, 
are  to  be  dated  back  to  geologic  ages,  when  the  climate 
and  the  flora  and  fauna  of  the  temperate  zone  were  very 
different  from  what  they  are  at  present.  The  gradual 
development  of  the  club  into  the  hammer,  the  hatchet, 
and  the  adze ;  of  the  chipped  flint  into  the  sharpened 
arrow-head,  the  polished  knife,  and  chisel ;  of  the  hollowed 
stone  into  the  bowl,  and  at  length  into  the  mill  for 
grinding  corn: — the  gradual  development  of  these  stone 
implements  can  be  traced  in  the  fragments  that  have 
come  down  to  us,  and  it  throws  much  light  on  the  dawn- 
ing reason  which  absolutely  separated  man  from  the  other 
animals. 

The  use  of  metal,  bronze  or  iron,  marks  another  distinct 
stage  in  early  forms  of  industry.  The  metal  knife  or 
(2.)  Bronze  sword,  the  metal  hatchet,  are  far  superior  to 
and  Iron  the  best  instruments  of  stone ;  and  the  bowl 
ASes-  or  cup  of  beaten  metal,  would  come  to  be 

always  used,  were  it  not  for  the  invention  of  pottery 
which  partly  took  the  place  of  metal.  No  sharp  line 
separates  the  bronze  and  the  iron  ages ;  but  when  iron 
came  to  be  smelted  and  worked  with  reasonable  ease, 
the  possibilities  of  metal  tools  were  much  increased  and 
their  cost  diminished. 

Social  im  ^ne  social  importance  of  the  development 
portance  of  of  tools  lies  in  two  directions.  First,  tools 
Development  increase  the  range  and  variety,  and  conse- 
of  Tools.  quently  the  regularity,  of  the  food  supply.  The 
use  of  the  bone  fish-hook  and  of  the  net  means  a  new 


124  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

source  of  food ;  the  arrow  from  a  bow  is  surer  and  swifter 
than  the  best  spear  or  lance ;  fire  gains  much  more 
general  use  in  the  preparation  of  food,  when  water  can 
be  boiled  in  pottery  or  metal  vessels.  Secondly,  tools 
enable  man  better  to  secure  himself  against  attacks  of 
hostile  beasts  and  hostile  men.  Almost  every  tool  is 
also  a  weapon ;  and  the  tool-making,  tool-using  animal 
is  in  the  end  superior  to  the  animal  that  has  itself  the 
greater  strength  or  speed.  It  is  not  so  much  the  security 
of  the  individual,  as  the  security  of  small  societies,  that  is 
gained  by  the  use  of  better  weapons.  The  small  group 
secures  a  measure  of  permanence  by  its  ability  to  defend 
itself  against  the  world,  and  the  foundations  of  political 
and  industrial  society  are  laid. 

The  development  of  tools  has  this  farther  effect  on  the 
beginnings  of.  industrial  organisation,  that  it  encourages 

the  differentiation  of  industrial  activity.  The 
Differentia-  original  difference  between  the  sexes  has  always 
tion  of  remained  the  basis  of  social  differentiation  ; 
Industrial  ^^  even  ^s  difference  was  made  more 

marked  by  tools  which  busied  the  husband 
abroad,  or  gave  wider  range  to  what  the  wife  should  do 
at  home.  Again,  not  every  man  could  make  tools  that 
required  skill,  and  some  would  use  one  implement  better 
than  another.  At  length  the  small  group  of  tool-users, 
the  tribe  or  the  village  unit,  would  be  a  more  compact 
unit  because  the  different  members  depended  on  each 
other  for  the  satisfaction  of  the  common  economic 
needs. 

The  ethnologist  is  wont  to  view  early  economic  history 
in  a  slightly  different  light.  He  finds  the  more  back- 
Source  of  ward  races  of  mankind  depending  on  different 
Food  marks  sources  of  food.  Some  depend  for  food  on 
stages  in  game,  others  on  their  flocks  and  herds,  others 
eve  opment.  g^j  Qn  ^g^,  yearly  crops.  Agriculture  surely 
goes  along  with  a  higher  social  life  than  is  ordinarily 
found  among  hunting  or  nomad  peoples,  and  the  custom 


INDUSTRIAL  ORGANISATION  OF  SOCIETY.     125 

has  arisen  of  referring  to  the  three  means  of  satisfying 
economic  needs,  as  three  stages  of  economic  develop- 
ment. The  view  is  only  in  part  correct,  but  it  suggests 
the  very  great  importance  of  the  source  of  food  (and 
clothing)  in  determining  the  industrial  organisation  of  a 
society. 

In  different  parts  of  the  American  continent  are  found 

tribes  that  depend  mainly  on  game  for  food,  all  the  way 

from  the  lowest  savagery  up  to  the  very  verge 

Hunting        of  civilisation.      The  effect  of    this   mode  of 

stage,    its    subsistence   on    social    life   varies,   of    course, 

Social  with    the    abundance    and   regularity   of    the 

Influence.  IP  T_  i    •.  j 

supply  or   game,  but   in  general  it  produces 

societies  of  much  the  same  type.  The  size  of  the  group 
is  necessarily  limited,  except  where  waters  bring  large 
shoals  of  fish  within  easy  reach  of  the  fisherman. 
Ordinarily,  only  a  very  scanty  population  could  be 
supported  ;  and  in  cases  where  a  tribe  became  large,  it 
all  but  fell  apart  of  itself,  as  its  members  travelled  far 
in  search  of  food.  And  these  economic  conditions  do  not 
especially  favour  the  intercourse  of  different  tribes,  for 
the  presence  of  the  hunter  in  the  domain  of  another 
tribe  inevitably  suggests  trespass.  Again,  this  form  of 
"industry"  favoured  strongly  an  unsettled  life.  A  fixed 
village  was  possible,  and  even  common  in  some  parts  of 
the  Western  half  of  the  continent,  but  more  commonly 
the  so-called  Indian  village  was  a  sort  of  rendezvous 
where  they  settled  at  certain  seasons  of  the  year.  In 
consequence  of  the  roving  life,  the  basis  of  the  state  was 
simply  and  only  the  ties  of  blood  and  custom,  and  the 
higher  forms  of  social  life  had  little  or  no  opportunity 
of  development.  The  manner  of  life  of  the  successful 
hunter  encouraged  the  virtues  and  excellencies  of  the 
individual.  His  own  power  to  read  nature  and  under- 
stand animals,  his  own  cunning  in  outwitting  them,  his 
own  endurance  in  their  pursuit,  these  made  the  hunter 
an  independent  man  by  nature.  Independence  and 


126  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

individuality,  thus  developed,  affected  the  whole  range 
of  social  life,  and  made  the  state  entirely  democratic 
in  its  character. 

On  the  American  continent  examples  of  nomad  life 
are  rare,  because  there  were  so  few  animals  that  proved 
suited  for  domestication.  But  in  Asia  and 
N  mad  *n  man7  parts  of  Africa,  not  only  the  dog 
stage,  and  and  the  hen,  hut  soon  cattle  and  goats  and 
the  Kind  of  sheep  were  domesticated,  and  furnished  man 
Society  with  a  far  more  abundant  and  more  regular 
supply  of  food  than  could  be  secured  by 
hunting.  The  Hebrew  accounts  of  shepherds  in  Palestine 
perhaps  furnish  the  most  familiar  picture  of  the  nomad 
life.  Used  for  keeping  flocks,  the  same  area  produced 
much  more  food  for  man,  so  that  the  population  of 
nomad  races  became  correspondingly  denser  than  in  the 
case  of  races  living  on  game  alone.  This  mode  of  life 
did  not  favour  the  individualism  of  the  hunter's  life, 
for  no  one  man  could  keep  cattle  alone  to  good  advan- 
tage. Groups  of  moderate  size,  which  could  care  for 
their  common  herds  and  protect  them  together,  were 
naturally  best  suited  for  this  kind  of  life.  So  we  find 
now  the  small  clan,  now  the  large  family,  living  on  the 
products  of  the  herd  that  they  owned  and  kept  in 
common.  The  necessity  of  protection  for  property 
demanded  a  much  more  highly  developed  political  life; 
and  as  different  clans  lived  in  closer  proximity,  the 
intercourse  between  them  would  commonly  be  more 
active.  Before  the  cultivation  of  grass  as  a  crop,  the 
life  of  nornad  peoples  was  unsettled,  as  they  wandered 
in  search  of  food  for  their  herds ;  so  that,  in  spite  of  the 
more  developed  social  life,  the  same  obstacle  to  a  high 
development  of  culture  continued  to  exist. 

Eeturning  again  to  North  America,  we  find  that 
tobacco  and  "  Indian  corn "  were  widely  cultivated  by 
tribes  that  still  depended  largely  on  game  for  food,  while 
in  Africa  and  Asia  both  hunting  races  and  nomad  races 


INDUSTRIAL  ORGANISATION  OF  SOCIETY.     127 

turned  to  agriculture  for  a  better  supply  of  food.  Cattle 
(3 )  Agricul-  could  be  maintained  better,  and  in  larger  num- 
turai  stage ;  bers,  when  the  natural  supply  of  grass  was 

Influence  on  increased  by  artificial  care.     The  cereals  were 

Social  Life.  .,  1^1  •    j  j 

more    easily    stored    tor    long    periods,    and 

furnished  food  when  other  sources  failed.  Moreover, 
agriculture  permitted  a  far  denser  population  than  could 
have  been  maintained  before,  and  people  could  live  in 
closer  quarters.  Agriculture  generally  deserves  to  be 
regarded  as  the  beginning  of  civilisation.  It  required 
a  settled  life,  and  permitted  life  in  considerable  towns; 
it  required  such  political  life  as  would  grant  ample 
protection  to  large  areas  of  crops  in  the  fields ;  it  was 
most  successful  when  such  social  differentiation  existed 
as  permitted  the  utilisation  of  slave  labour  to  prosecute 
the  cultivation  of  the  soil  with  regularity  and  persistence. 
In  a  word,  it  required  civilised  life  before  it  could  be 
undertaken,  and  it  furnished  strong  motives  to  higher 
civilisation. 

The  most  marked  feature  of  the  change  from  the  hunt- 
ing stage  and  the  nomad  stage  to  the  agricultural  stage,  is  the 
Increase  in  gre&t  increase  in  the  differentiation  of  labour, 
the  Differen-  In  the  hunting  stage  all  men  are  theoretically 
tiation  of  equal,  though  differences  of  age,  strength,  and 
skill  actually  introduce  some  differences  in 
their  pursuits.  The  nomad  life  encourages  the  formation 
of  small  groups,  in  which  one  person  is  master,  if  not 
owner,  while  several  others  care  for  the  flocks  and  the 
products  of  the  flocks  under  his  direction.  In  such  a 
large  family,  household,  or  clan,  the  skill  of  one  as 
carpenter  or  tent-maker,  of  another  in  preparing  the  rude 
utensils  of  their  simple  life,  of  others  in  other  lines, 
would  be  utilised  under  the  direction  of  the  master,  even 
while  all  united  in  the  regular  business  of  caring  for  the 
flocks.  With  the  development  of  agriculture,  and  the 
consequent  increase  in  size  of  the  social  group,  the 
occasional  differentiation  of  function  becomes  a  true 


128  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

differentiation  of  the  labourers.  When  agriculture  wns 
no  longer  a  sporadic  method  of  eking  out  the  food  supply, 
but  the  normal  and  regular  source  of  food,  the  village 
community  arose  as  the  natural  form  of  social  organisa- 
tion. These  communities,  which  mark  the  point  to  which 
the  social  life  of  civilised  states  can  be  traced  back  with 
any  assurance,  consisted  of  groups  of  families  or  clans, 
each  of  which  was  organised  much  like  the  group  of 
nomad  life,  though  on  a  smaller  scale.  Each  family,  or 
clan,  cultivated  its  share  of  the  fields  of  the  community 
under  the  direction  of  its  head — but  the  heads  of  families 
were  subject  in  turn  to  the  chief  of  the  village,  and  often- 
times farther  differences  of  rank  existed.  The  work  of 
the  house  carpenter,  and  the  cartwright,  and  the  smith, 
was  frequently  the  lot  of  particular  individuals,  who 
were  in  part  supported  from  the  fruit  of  the  other's 
labour ;  and  while  all  the  women  might  spin  and  weave, 
such  arts  as  dyeing  and  special  ornamentation,  would 
often  be  carried  on  by  one  or  two  in  behalf  of  the  whole 
community.  Some  men,  loosening  their  connection  with 
any  one  community,  would  engage  in  commerce,  bringing 
precious  metals  and  jewels,  fancy  cloths,  important 
minerals  like  salt,  etc.,  from  place  to  place.  Such  seems 
to  have  been  the  industrial  organisation  of  the  early 
community,  which  developed  into  the  town  or  city  and 
the  larger  state. 

The  farther  study  of  industrial  organisation,  industrial 
institutions,    and    their    social    importance,    necessarily 

follows  the  threefold  division  according  to 
and  the  '  which  industrial  activity  develops.  Begin- 
gradual  ning,  therefore  with  the  subject  of  circulation 
Development  or  exchange,  we  recall  the  fact  that  this  is 
°  *  really  the  beginning  of  the  particular  form  of 

social  activity  which  deserves  the  name  econo- 
mic. It  is  the  idea  of  exchange,  and  somewhat  regular 
exchange,  which  characterises  economic  activity  as  such. 
The  general  type  of  the  early  merchant  still  exists  in  the 


INDUSTRIAL   ORGANISATION  OF  SOCIETY.     129 

case  of  bold  adventurers  who  set  forth  into  the  wilds  of 
Africa,  it  may  be;  they  provide  themselves  with  gay 
cloths  and  other  products  of  civilisation  that  please  the 
savage,  hold  a  sort  of  market  as  they  reach  some  savage 
tribe,  and  return  at  length  with  the  stores  of  ivory  and 
spices  and  perhaps  slaves  which  they  have  gained  by 
barter.  As  soon  as  visits  of  this  sort  come  to  be  expected 
with  any  regularity,  so  that  the  savage  prepares  a  stock 
of  goods  for  the  trader,  genuine  economic  activity  has 
begun  on  the  basis  of  an  occasional  market.  The  next 
step  toward  a  higher  development  of  exchange  is  when  a 
market,  or  fair,  is  held  regularly  at  some  definite  place  to 
which  both  buyers  and  sellers  come.  The  Church  feasts 
of  the  Middle  Ages  furnished  such  regular  occasions  for 
exchange,  and  gave  the  name  "  Messe"  to  the  fairs  that 
originated  at  times  when  mass  was  celebrated.  The 
influence  of  the  great  annual  fairs,  at  which  all  wholesale 
and  most  of  the  retail  trade  was  conducted,  has  hardly 
disappeared  in  England,  and  is  still  very  important  on  the 
Continent.  Gradually  the  advantage  of  regular  posts  of 
trade,  open  and  accessible  at  all  times,  has  been  recog- 
nised ;  and  the  "  shop  "  or  "  store  "  has  taken  the  place  of 
recurring  markets  as  the  ordinary  method  of  exchange. 

In  the  process  of  exchange,  two  institutions  arise 
which  are  very  important  objects  of  study  for  the  science 
l.  The  insti-  which  deals  with  economic  phenomena  in  de- 
tution  of  tail.  The  first  of  these  is  the  institution  of 
Money.  money.  Exchange  is  immensely  facilitated  by 
the  use  of  some  recognised  standard  of  value.  What  the 
standard  is,  of  course  depends  largely  on  the  relative 
convenience  of  the  different  possible  objects  ;  but  it  takes 
its  place  as  the  standard  of  value  by  a  sort  of  social 
agreement.  It  is  money  when  it  is  recognised  and  re- 
ceived as  money.  When  a  good  standard  of  value  comes 
into  use,  the  sphere  of  exchange  is  indefinitely  extended ; 
parties  more  distant  from  each  other  can  enter  into  com- 
mercial relations;  and  the  goods  exchanged  need  not  be 
K 


130  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

limited  by  the  present  wants  of  the  parties.  In  fact  the 
standard  of  value  of  civilisation  penetrates  into  the 
distant  parts  of  the  earth  almost  as  soon  as  rum  itself. 
The  effect  of  this  unity  of  the  commercial  world  upon  the 
higher  forms  of  social  life  can  hardly  be  estimated.  Iden- 
tity of  ideas  and  of  tastes  is  preceded  by  identity  of  money. 
The  second  class  of  institutions  arising  in  the  process 
of  exchange  have  to  do  with  transportation.  The  amount 
2  Institu-  °f  g°°ds  exchanged  at  any  given  time,  and  the 
tions  of  possible  range  of  a  market,  depend  on  the 
Transporta-  facility  with  which  goods  are  transported. 
According  to  Proudhon,  "to  draw  a  loaded  cart 
on  the  natural  soil  requires  one -quarter  or  one -fifth  the 
energy  necessary  to  carry  the  weight  in  question ;  on  good 
roads  in  ordinary  condition,  only  X)8  of  this  amount  of 
energy  is  necessary;  on  oak  rails  the  figure  is  redrced 
to  'O22 ;  finally,  on  steel  rails  in  good  condition  it  is  only 
•005,  or  "003  of  the  original  amount;  .  .  .  the  increase  in 
distance  carried,  in  rapidity  and  regularity  of  transporta- 
tion, can  hardly  be  estimated."  Along  with  this  apparatus 
for  the  transportation  of  merchandise,  there  has  grown  up 
an  apparatus  for  the  rapid  transportation  of  intelligence, 
which  is  hardly  less  important  in  its  effect  on  commerce. 
The  post,  which  was  originally  a  military  affair,  has  come 
to  serve  primarily  an  economic  purpose.  The  condition 
of  any  important  market  is  made  known  all  over  the 
globe  as  quickly  as  in  distant  parts  of  the  same  city,  and 
the  London  buyer  does  not  have  any  considerable  advan- 
tage in  time  over  the  New  York  buyer,  when  goods  are 
offered  for  sale  in  London.  Finally,  the  institutions  for 
the  transportation  of  money  have  kept  pace  with  the 
means  of  transmitting  intelligence.  Orders  on  private! 
or  government  banks,  which  are  received  as  readily  as 
gold,  are  transmitted  by  mail  or  by  telegraph,  and  the 
process  of  circulation  is  complete.  For  the  purposes  of 
business,  space  and  time  are  all  but  annihilated,  and  the 
world  is  made  in  reality  a  single  market. 


INDUSTRIAL   ORGANISATION  OF  SOCIETY.     131 

War  has  been  the  most  important  external  factor  in 
the  origin  and  development  of  circulation,  and  this  in- 
War  and  the  filience  nas  been  exerted  in  two  ways.  In  the 
Development  first  place  the  earliest  collections  of  goods  to 
ofCircula-  be  distributed  or  exchanged,  consisted  of  the 
tlon'  booty  which  a  successful  band  of  marauders 

brought  home  with  them.  Military  leaders  and  their 
followers  would  desire  to  exchange  the  products  of  war, 
such  as  slaves,  for  the  products  of  peace.  And  secondly 
war  brought  different  tribes  of  people  into  contact  with 
each  other,  and  opened  highways  of  communication 
between  them.  The  world  is  enlarged,  and  men  learn 
that  their  wants  and  the  wants  of  their  neighbours  can 
be  met  most  easily  by  exchange.  For  a  strong  man,  to 
take  a  thing  may  seem  the  easiest  way  to  get  it ;  but  the 
first  and  perhaps  the  longest  step  in  progress,  is  the 
recognition  that  this  course  is  destructive,  while  fair 
interchange  of  goods  benefits  all  the  parties  concerned. 
Violence  breaks  a  path  for  progress,  and  commerce  follows 
in  the  track  of  war. 

The  first  and  most  important  effect  of  circulation,  or 
the   exchange   of   commodities    on   the   other   modes   of 
social  activity,  is  the  well-known  fact  that  the 
Circulation    circulation  of  goods  always  favours  the  inter- 
on  Other        action  of  minds.      Intellectual  intercourse  in 
Modes  of       its    various   forms  follows   commercial   inter- 
course, so  that  the  development  of  commerce 
Activity.         .  '  . 

is  the  immediate  precursor  of   progress.     In 

the  settlement  of  a  new  country,  the  school  and  the 
church  and  the  court,  follow  the  pioneers  of  trade.  In 
an  older  country  the  lack  of  good  means  of  communica- 
tion results  in  stagnation  ;  custom  is  unchanging,  and 
the  past  becomes  a  barrier  to  progress  instead  of  the 
basis  of  advance.1  The  second  effect  of  a  widening 

1  De  Greef,  Sociologie,  II.  p.  41,  has  drawn  an  instructive  comparison 
between  the  New  Greece  on  the  one  hand,  and  Roumania  to-day  or 
Greece  a  century  ago,  on  the  other.  The  new  political  life  of  Greece  has 


132  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

commerce  on  other  forms  of  social  life,  is  the  enlarge- 
ment of  the  social  world  along  other  lines  than  the 
purely  commercial-.  The  "  world "  in  which  we  live, 
the  social  lines  which  bound  that  part  of  the  race  to 
which  we  feel  akin,  the  psychical  life  of  which  we  feel 
ourselves  an  integral  part,  the  political  world  in  which 
our  state  has  its  proper  sphere  of  activity,  all  of  these 
are  enlarged  with  the  enlargement  of  the  commercial 
world.  Civilisation  follows  commerce  into  the  jungles, 
through  the  desert,  and  toward  the  poles.  Civilisation 
will  touch  every  part  of  the  globe  when  trade  has  opened 
the  way  for  it.  And  the  third  effect  of  commerce,  with 
its  complex  bonds  now  uniting  the  whole  world,  is  to 
develop  closer  and  more  complex  bonds  in  all  other  forms 
of  social  activity.  Economic  activity  could  never  have 
attained  its  present  high  development  without  the  aid  of 
political  protection,  and  judicial  arbitration,  and  the 
special  restraints,  as  well  as  the  special  stimuli,  of  the 
moral  code.  Conversely,  social  rank  depends  on  economic 
conditions ;  the  state  is  made  stable  and  conservative,  as 
well  as  progressive,  by  the  economic  interests  which  lie 
at  its  foundation ;  the  intellectual  and  the  moral  unity  of 
society  is  a  gradual  achievement,  for  which  the  bonds  of 
common  economic  function  ever  prepare  the  way.  Men 
trade  together  and  learn  that  they  are  brothers ;  just  as 
once  they  fought  together  and  found  that  there  existed 
other  beings  than  themselves  who  deserved  respect. 

The    second    standpoint    from    which    the    economic 

activity  of  society  may  be  considered,  is  also  marked  by 

some  measure  of  special  organisation,  and  by 

.    onsump-  an    jngtjtution    of     far-reaching    importance. 

"Economic    Here,  as  we  have  seen,  is   the   point    where 

Man."  economic  stimuli  find  their  direct  application ; 

gone  hand  in  hand  with  a  new  economic  life  ;  the  means  of 
rapid  transportation  within  Greece,  and  increased  facilities  for  foreign 
commerce,  constitute  the  basis  of  that  progress  which  has  been  so 
remarkable. 


INDUSTRIAL   ORGANISATION  OF  SOCIETY.     133 

men  produce  that  they  may  exchange  their  products 
for  whai  they  desire  to  "consume";  in  other  words,  the 
generalised  expression  for  the  economic  motive  is  the 
desire  to  consume.  The  orthodox  political  economy  has 
been  wont  to  solve  this  whole  question  very  simply,  not 
to  say  summarily,  by  postulating  an  "  economic  man,"  a 
man  ruled  by  the  desire  for  wealth.  Undoubtedly,  this 
last  expression  has  meant  the  desire  for  what  wealth 
brings,  and  not  simply  love  of  money ;  in  other  words, 
economics  has  started  out  with  the  important  postulate 
that  the  units  it  is  to  consider,  are  governed  by  what 
it  terms  a  desire  to  "consume."  Such  mathematical 
abstraction  has  brought  with  it  both  clearness  and  con- 
fusion ;  clearness  in  that  the  motive  force  of  economic 
life  is  reduced  to  a  single  unit;  confusion  in  that  this 
unreal  abstraction  has  often  been  obliged  to  do  duty  for 
the  richness  of  concrete  truth. 

In  fact,  the  true  "  economic  man "  is  the  product  of 
his  age ;  his  desires  change  as  society  develops ;  nor  is 

the  change  unimportant,  for  the  whole  face 
Man's  Needs  °.  \  ,       , 

Change  in      0*  economic  lite  changes  with  each  change  in 

Content,  in  the  units  that  enter  into  it.  This  economic 
imperative-  rnan  js  ^he  being  whose  needs  and  emotions 
ness,  in  were  discussed  in  Chapter  V.,  and  consump- 
tion is  simply  the  use  of  what  is  acquired  in 
exchange  to  satisfy  his  needs  and  emotions.  The 
particular  content  of  man's  needs  changes  entirely  with 
his  habit  of  life.  Uncooked  flesh  is  followed  by  roast 
or  boiled  meat  as  the  hunter's  diet,  while  the  shepherd 
lives  on  the  products  of  the  animal — milk,  butter,  and 
cheese ;  vegetable  diet  changes  from  nuts  and  fruits  to 
parched  grains  and  cakes  of  crushed  or  ground  corn. 
The  need  which  a  given  man  feels  is  not  the  need  of 
food,  but  rather  the  need  of  the  flesh  or  the  dish  of 
pottage,  by  which  he  has  been  wont  to  satisfy  hunger; 
the  desire  for  this  particular  object  governs  his  action 
in  the  effort  to  acquire  it.  So  the  imperativeness  of 


134  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

man's  need  varies  with  the  stage  of  social  development. 
The  savage  goes  for  days  on  a  most  meagre  diet,  and 
then  when  he  has  game  he  gorges  himself  with  food. 
It  is  only  when  the  torpid  sleep  after  such  a  feast  has 
lasted  for  days  that  reviving  hunger  drives  him  to 
activity  once  more.  But  the  civilised  man  requires 
"  three  meals  a  day,"  and  the  content  of  each  one  is 
imperatively  determined  by  his  social  position.  Nor 
is  the  change  in  the  variety  of  his  needs  any  less  im- 
portant. Practically  the  simple  demand  for  nourish- 
ment and  warmth  has  been  replaced  by  the  complex 
need  of  the  thousand  and  one  things  which  constitute 
the  standard  of  living ;  a  carriage  may  seem  more 
necessary  than  bread,  sealskin  garments  more  necessary 
than  blankets. 

The  study  of  the  particular  forms  which  these  needs 
assume,  is  the  source  of  most  valuable  light  on  the 
Physical  economic  life  of  a  given  age.  Such  study  defines 
Needs  deter-  at  once  the  motives  to  economic  activity, 
mine  Eco-  and  the  lines  which  this  activity  must  follow, 
nomic  Life.  jjere  ^ie  student  learns  to  understand  the 
units  of  economic  life,  and  it  is  on  this  basis  alone  that  he 
can  discover  the  relation  of  the  units  in  the  industrial 
organisation.  The  circulation  and  exchange  of  com- 
modities, intervening  between  the  production  of  goods 
and  their  immediate  consumption,  follows  man's  im- 
mediate needs,  so  far  as  his  needs  find  social  recognition. 
Production,  too,  is  to  meet  the  market  demand  for  the 
goods  which  men  call  for. 

The  greatest  change  in  the  use  to  which  men  put 
their  products,  occurs  when  they  begin  to  store  them 
The  Institu-  ^or  future  use,  instead  of  applying  them  to  the 
tion  of  satisfaction  of  immediate  desire.  The  institu- 
Property  tioii  of  property,  to  which  so  much  fruitful 
study  has  recently  been  devoted,  had  humble  beginnings 
and  developed  but  slowly.  Its  social  origin  is  quite 
generally  admitted.  It  is  probable  that  property  began 


INDUSTRIAL   ORGANISATION  OF  SOCIETY.     135 

with  articles  worn  about  the  person,  clothing,  amulets, 
and  especially  adornments,  at  a  time  when  even  weapons 
and  the  simple  utensils  of  cooking  were  the  property  of 
the  clan  or  group.  Along  with  the  development  of  the  idea 
of  individuality  came  important  extensions  of  the  idea  of 
individual  property.  Weapons  and  utensils,  finally  dwell- 
ing-places, flocks  and  herds,  were  reckoned  by  the  tribe  as 
the  property  of  its  individual  members,  though  the  mem- 
bers of  a  family  have  never  lost  all  claim  on  the  possessions 
of  the  head  of  the  family;  these  articles  became  individual 
property  because  members  of  society  so  reckoned  them. 
After  a  long  period  real  estate  also  came  to  be  reckoned 
as  the  property  of  individuals,  though  still  in  a  somewhat 
restricted  sense,  for  the  state  preserves  certain  rights  over 
its  territory. 

The  social  importance  of  property  is  universally  recog- 
nised. It  means  a  new  form  of  consumption,  a  new  use 
Social  import-^01"  wealth — goods  may  be  effectively  stored. 
ance  of  In  connection  with  it  there  arises  a  new  social 
Property  stimulus,  the  love  of  acquisition.  Property 
means  power  over  one's  fellow  men,  and  the  love  of  power 
is  constantly  acquiring  range  as  an  economic  stimulus, 
while  apparently  it  loses  power  as  a  political  stimulus. 
When  the  idea  of  property  centered  in  the  clan,  it  helped 
to  make  the  clan  a  compact  unit.  The  gradual  recognition  of 
individual  property  was  a  great  power  in  developing  the 
nascent  individualism  of  the  members  of  the  clan.  Once 
developed,  the  idea  of  individual  property  sapped  the 
roots  of  the  elan  life;  it  was  a  potent  factor  in  over- 
throwing the  matriarchal  family,  which  was  commonly  so 
^ closely  connected  with  the  elan  relationship ;  it  became 
the  basis  of  the  higher  type  of  psychical  life.  Perhaps  its 
most  important  social  effect  has  come  to  be  in  the  fact 
that  the  possession  of  property  is  so  generally  the  basis  of 
social  differentiation.  In  earlier  times  physical  force, 
later  institutions  of  caste,  were  the  basis  of  differentia- 
tion in  society.  To-day,  in  the  stable  forms  of  society, 


136  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

wealth  is  the  most  universally  recognised  source  of  power, 
so  that  social  rank  is  often  determined  by  the  possession 
of  wealth. 

In  the  study  of  industrial  organisation,  the  third  phase 
of    economic    activity    is    most    important.       Beginning 

within  the  early  social  group  long  before  it 
C.  Produc-  * 

tion.  Eeiationcan  "e  called  economic  production,  it  is 
to  Circula-  gradually  dominated  by  the  demands  of  a 
tion,  to  Con-  developing  market,  until  in  the  modern  city, 

the  family  finds  it  possible  to  give  up  abso- 
lutely every  form  of  domestic  production,  and  rely  solely 
on  what  an  extensive  market  will  furnish.  While  it  is, 
of  course,  the  development  of  circulation  and  exchange 
which  is  responsible  for  so  great  a  change  in  the  character 
of  production,  the  institution  of  property  which  has  just 
been  considered,  is  an  indispensable  condition.  Property 
previously  acquired  must  be  used  in  production,  if  it  be 
only  to  support  the  producer  till  he  can  reap  the  fruit  of 
his  labour  in  the  exchange  of  his  products ;  capital, 
property  utilised  for  the  production  of  goods  to  be 
exchanged,  is  the  very  basis  of  economic  production,  and 
it  is  the  growth  of  capital  that  has  made  possible  the 
rapid  development  of  industry  during  the  present  century. 
The  institutions  by  means  of  which  production  has 
been  carried  on,  have  varied  exceedingly  in  different  ages, 
Institutions  an(^  eacn  nas  been  the  basis  of  a  particular 
of  Produc-  type  of  social  life.  The  earliest  organisation 
tion.  for  tnjs  purpose  was  some  form  of  slavery. 

Inertia  is  an  almost  universal  characteristic  of 
savage  races;  men  only  work  under  compulsion,  either 
the  compulsion  of  immediate  need,  or  the  compulsion  of 
superior  human  force — and  the  effort  to  satisfy  immediate 
need  is  so  spasmodic  that  it  cannot  be  utilised  for  the 
production  of  any  but  the  simplest  objects.  When  cap- 
tives taken  in  war  could  be  utilised  for  work  instead  of 
being  destroyed  or  eaten,  a  genuine  means  of  production 
was  secured ;  and  unproductive  as  slave-labour  seems  to 


INDUSTRIAL   ORGANISATION  OF  SOCIETY.     137 

us,  it  was  immensely  more  productive  than  labour  to 
which  the  only  spur  was  hunger.  The  early  civilisations 
of  the  East  show  what  has  has  been  accomplished  with 
this  means  of  production;  indeed,  economic  production 
rested  on  no  other  basis  in  Greece  and  Rome. 

Feudalism  marks  a  decided  advance  on  slavery,  for  the 
relation  of  master  and  servant  was  more  permanent,  and 
Feudalism  the  system  required  and  developed  greater 
as  a  Mode  of  ability  in  the  servant.  The  serf  had  certain 
Production.  jnterests  of  his  own>  not  wholly  identical  with 
his  lord's,  and  his  position  depended  largely  on  the  way  in 
which  he  cared  for  these  interests.  Thus  the  serf  was 
trained  for  centuries  in  the  school  of  partial  freedom, 
till  at  length  the  power  to  work  for  a  future  reward 
was  a  greater  stimulus  than  external  compulsion.  Then 
masters  gradually  learned  that  hired  labour  was  more 
profitable  than  forced  labour,  and  the  principle  of 
serfdom,  like  the  principle  of  slavery  before  it,  had  to 
give  way  to  a  higher  form  of  organisation  for  production. 
Naturally  the  change  took  place  much  earlier  in  the 
towns  than  in  the  country. 

Here,  circumstances  favoured  the  economical  indepen- 
dence of  the  household,  provided  it  paid  the  dues  assessed, 
The  House-  an(^  performed  the  military  service  required, 
hold  Unit  in  The  household  became  the  unit  for  production, 
Production.  anc[  j^  continued  to  be  so  until  conditions  were 
changed  by  the  introduction  of  machinery.  Often  it  was 
necessary  for  craftsmen  to  unite  in  guilds  to  secure  their 
rights.  Whether  or  not  he  was  a  member  of  a  guild,  the 
artisan  was  far  enough  from  real  freedom  of  initiative, 
nevertheless  he  was  able  to  work  for  himself  instead  of 
working  for  another. 

Produc-  ^n  the  modern  industrial  system  which  has 

tionby          grown  up  with  the  introduction  of  machinery 

Machinery     an(j  fine   consequent   organisation   of   produc- 

in  Factories.   ,  •         •       -,  p  ,  , .  „ 

tion  in  large  factories,  scarcely  a  vestige  of 

the  formal  external  restraint  remains.     Ability  to  work 


138  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

with  vigour,  continuity,  and  skill,  is  almost  the  only 
factor  which  determines  the  workman's  position  in  the 
industrial  system ;  while  the  relation  between  employer 
and  employed  has  been  reduced,  more  and  more,  to  a 
strictly  economic  basis.  The  removal  of  each  phase  of 
external  restraint  on  labour,  and  the  increasing  free- 
dom of  labourer  and  employer,  have  been  attended  at 
each  stage  by  a  wider  differentiation  of  economic  classes, 
so  that  the  industrial  world  is  more  complex  than  ever 
before. 

Each  of  these  forms  of  industrial  organisation  is  the 
basis  for  a  particular  form  of  the  higher  kinds  of  social 

activity.  Slavery  means  a  sharp  line  of  dis- 
Influence  of  kinction  between  master  and  slave  in  "  social " 
Organisation  intercourse ;  the  tribe  which  keeps  slaves  has  a 
on  other  different  political  development  from  the  tribe 
Modes  of  without  slaves,  and  it  is  just  this  difference 
ociia.  which  separates  most  widely  the  developed 

states  of  antiquity  from  the  modern  state ; 
moreover,  slavery  cultivates  certain  habits  of  mind  which 
control  the  psychical  development  both  of  masters  and 
slaves.  Under  the  feudal  system  an  aristocracy  of  birth 
determines  the  lines  of  "  social "  intercourse,  and  gives 
rise  to  peculiar  social  institutions  and  peculiar  social 
ideals ;  the  feudal  state  is  a  confederacy  of  feudal  lords ; 
chivalry  is  but  one  of  the  peculiar  psychical  products 
of  the  system.  Finally,  in  the  present  age  of  industrial 
freedom,  differences  in  economic  capacity  are  fully  de- 
veloped; the  difference  between  individuals  and  between 
families  tends  to  increase  from  generation  to  genera- 
tion ;  yet  the  dead  level  of  barbarism  still  remains, 
so  that  every  advance  introduces  wider  differences  into 
the  economic  world.  Such  a  society  fosters  an  aristocracy 
of  wealth;  political  power  is  in  the  hands  of  the  third 
estate ;  business  integrity  and  habits  of  hard  work  are  the 
excellencies  most  highly  prized. 

With  the  economic  development  of  society,  the  peculiar 


INDUSTRIAL   ORGANISATION  OF  SOCIETY.     139 

character  of  the  economic  group  has  been  growing  more 
ideal  of  the  an(^  more  distinct,  until  to-day  the  economic 
Economic  ideal  is  exerting  a  great  influence  on  the 
Group.  character  of  other  social  groups.  The  econo- 

mic group  proper  is  not  marked  by  any  real  solidarity 
of  life  and  interest,  rather  it  has  tended  to  drift  away 
from  this  general  solidarity  as  it  has  become  distinct. 
Competition  is  commonly  represented  as  the  basis  of 
modern  industrial  society,  and  competition  involves  free 
circulation  of  labour.  The  ideal  of  economic  relationship 
is  free  association,  that  is,  the  group  in  economic  life  is 
composed  of  men  who  unite  in  common  activity  because 
they  recognise  that  their  interests  are  identical,  and  who 
feel  entirely  free  to  leave  the  group  as  soon  as  their 
economic  interests  diverge.  The  labourer  is  bound  to 
his  master  by  no  tie  except  such  as  he  voluntarily 
assumes ;  he  has  all  the  rights  and  all  the  responsi- 
bility which  belong  to  an  independent  economic  unit. 
The  trade  union  has  only  served  to  emphasise  the  in- 
dependence of  the  individual  labourer  by  lending  to 
each  one  the  strength  which  comes  from  association. 
Attempts  have,  indeed,  been  made  to  bind  individuals 
together  in  more  permanent  unions  for  economic  purposes, 
as  in  the  case  of  profit-sharing  and  co-operative  societies, 
but  they  have  been  sporadic,  and  they  have  met  with  no 
lasting  success.  The  ideal  of  the  economic  group  is  the 
absolute  economic  freedom  of  both  master  and  labourer ; 
although  the  human  interest  that  binds  every  man  to 
those  who  become  his  neighbours,  cannot  fail  to  lend  its 
sanction  to  the  group  united  by  economic  interests. 

Historically  it  may  be  questioned  whether  the  indi- 
vidualistic view  of  life,  which  is  becoming  clearlv  the  char- 

o  */ 

Influence  acteristic  of  the  economic  man,  had  its  origin 
of  this  in  economic  relations.  Practically,  however,  no 

Ideal  on        fervid  preaching  of  the  rights  of  the  individual 
ocia    i  e.    j^  j.jeen  so  p0werfui  to  affect  society  down 
to  its  very  foundations  as  the  constant  enforcing  of  the 


140  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

rights  and  responsibility  of  the  individual  in  the  indus- 
trial life  of  this  industrial  age.  It  tends  to  break  down 
the  old  "  social "  relations,  and  even  marriage  is  regarded 
as  a  temporary  contract  rather  than  the  beginning  of  a 
common  life.  The  democratic  state  is  made  little  more 
than  a  "social  contract,"  and  the  university  and  even 
the  church  are  often  regarded  as  associations  of  the 
economic  type  in  another  sphere  of  common  life.  The 
cause  of  this  abnormal  influence  of  economic  ideals  is  to 
be  found,  I  believe,  in  the  present  abnormal  development 
of  industrial  interests,  and  it  can  only  be  remedied  by  a 
broader  development  of  social  life  on  higher  planes. 

In  conclusion,  it  is  hardly  too  much  to  say  that 
economic  activity  is  at  the  very  basis  of  society. 
Funda  e  tal  Economic  changes  and  crises  result  in  changes 
Character  of  and  crises  in  all  phases  of  social  life ;  as  for 
Economic  example,  the  effect  of.  depression  in  business 
ctivity.  Qn  marrjage  anc[  |jirth  rate,  which  Buckle  has 
attempted  to  trace.  Habits  of  industry  are  at  the  basis 
of  political  stability.  Industrial  connection  has  often 
preceded  political  connection,  even  as  to-day  commerce 
is  the  strongest  influence  in  the  development  of  inter- 
national law.  Higher  types  of  intellectual,  moral,  and 
religious  life  can  only  be  developed  where  men  are 
protected  from  the  constant  pressure  of  want  and  the 
constant  fear  of  starvation.  And  the  work-habit,  de- 
veloped so  slowly  in  the  course  of  industrial  progress, 
is  no  less  necessary  than  leisure  for  genuine  psychical 
progress.  "  The  economic  structure  of  society  is  the  real 
basis  on  which  the  juridical  and  political  superstructure 
is  raised,  and  to  which  definite  forms  of  social  thought 
correspond ;  in  short,  the  mode  of  production  determines 
the  character  of  the  social,  political,  and  intellectual  life 
generally." l 

1  Quoted  from  Karl  Marx:  Kapitnl,  on  the  title-page  of  Laf argue,  The 
Evolution  of  Property.     London,  1890. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE   FAMILY  AS   A   SOCIAL    UNIT. 

THE  family  is  the  basis  of  the  state.  This  phrase,  so 
frequently  repeated  by  the  earlier  students  of  society, 
The  Family  has  been  attacked  in  recent  years  by  two 
and  the  classes  of  opponents  —  by  those  who  believe 
state.  {.naj.  civiiiseci  society  ought  to  rest  on  some 

other  foundation,  and  by  investigators  who  found  that  the 
theory  of  the  historic  relation  of  state  and  family,  with 
which  the  phrase  had  been  associated,  was  entirely  false. 
But  the  very  study  which  destroyed  its  old  meaning  has 
made  it  pregnant  with  new  and  deeper  meaning. 

The  older  theory  of  the  relation  of  the  family   to    the 
state  is  simple  enough.    It  began  with  the  family,  treated 

the  clan  as  an  enlarged  patriarchal  family, 
Theory  of  w^  the  patriarch  frequently  left  out;  the 
the  Rise  of  tribe  it  regarded  as  an  overgrown  clan,  and  the 
the  state  beginning  of  the  state  was  a  tribe  that  had 
Famil  *  outgrown  its  former  organisation.1  Thus  the 

family  is  literally  the  basis  of  the  state.  The 
argument  in  favour  of  this  theory  is  mainly  the  argument 
"  e  consensu  gentium,"  for  the  clan  was  traced  back  to  a 
common  ancestor,  and  the  tribe  and  the  nation  to 
common  ancestors  yet  further  back,  among  the  races 
best  known  to  students.  These  races — and  accordingly 
those  who  studied  them  —  believed  that  descent  was 

1  Cf.  L.  Lange,  Eomisclie  Alterthumer,  3te  Aufl.  1876.  S.  102  sqq.t 
where  the  organisation  of  the  Roman  State  is  explained  very  much  in 
this  way. 


142  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

always  reckoned  in  the  male  line,  for  the  father  was 
the  head  of  the  family.  The  best  and  ablest  defence  of 
this  position  is  found  in  the  works  of  Sir  Henry  Maine, 
who  argues  from  laws  and  institutions  back  to  the  time 
when  they  arose,  and  shows  that  they  presuppose  a 
patriarchal  family.  Nor  has  his  argument  been  seriously 
impugned  by  later  students.  They  have  rather  sought 
to  show  that  Maine's  results  were  far  from  ultimate,  and 
that  the  history  of  another  world  remained  to  be  written, 
a  world  existing  before  the  date  back  to  which  Maine's 
investigations  had  reached. 

Bachofen  was,  I  believe,  the  first  to  attack  this  earlier 
theory,  then  universally  accepted.  In  his  Mutterrecht 
The  Family  he  called  attention  to  some  facts  which  had 
in  the  Matri-  been  misinterpreted  by  scholars,  and  to  others 
archal  stage.  whjcn  were  new,  in  proof  of  the  thesis  that  a 
matriarchal  family  had  quite  generally  preceded  the 
patriarchal  type.  McLennan,  in  England,  working  inde- 
pendently, argued  from  the  prevalence  of  wife-capture  as 
a  symbol  back  to  the  time  when  it  was  an  actual  fact, 
and  connected  with  this  the  prohibition  of  marriage 
within  the  tribe.  He  attempted  to  prove,  (i),  that  in 
early  times  all  women  were  held  in  common  by  the  tribe ; 
(2),  that  female  infanticide  often  made  wife-capture 
necessary,  and  frequently  resulted  in  a  polyandrous 
family,  and  (3),  that  in  this  polyandrous  family  the 
husbands  of  the  same  wife  were  gradually  limited  to 
brothers,  and  at  length  the  patriarchal  family  arose  with 
one  man  at  its  head.  The  argument  in  favour  of  these 
propositions  included  (i),  examples  of  loose  family 
relations  in  savage  tribes  (the  author  assigning  the  reason 
that  in  the  polyandrous  family  the  particular  father  is  not 
known),  and  (2),  some  few  and  isolated  examples  of  the  two 
forms  of  polyandry  which  serve  as  types.  The  two  main 
positions,  namely,  the  absence  of  anything  that  might  be 
called  family  relations  in  the  early  history  of  the  clan, 
and  the  prevalence  of  the  matriarchal  family  before  the 


THE  FAMILY  AS  A   SOCIAL    UNIT.  143 

existence  of  the  patriarchal  family  and  monogamous 
marriage,  have  been  widely  illustrated  by  authors  in 
England  and  on  the  continent,  until  they  form  the  creed 
of  a  school. 

A  third  group  of  writers  differ  from  those  just 
mentioned  mainly  in  their  interpretation  of  the  facts. 
Eesults  Letourneau  regards  the  primitive  family  as  an 
accepted  by  early  form  of  property,  and  explains  its  de- 
Eecent  velopment  on  this  basis.  Starcke  shows  that 
the  matriarchal  family  tends  to  produce 
heterogeneity,  and  so  fails  in  itself  to  explain  the  forms 
of  tribal  relationship  with  which  it  is  most  closely 
associated.  And  Westermarck  finds  evidence  that  the 
monogamous  family  has  been,  perhaps,  the  commonest 
form  during  the  whole  history  of  the  race.  These 
writers  agree  in  urging  that  (i),  there  is  absolutely  no 
evidence  to  prove  a  state  of  original  promiscuity,  though, 
as  a  rule,  family  ties  are  looser  among  less  civilised  tribes, 
and  that  (2),  the  matriarchate  is  not  universal,  and  con- 
stitutes no  evidence  at  all  for  the  original  absence  of 
family  relations. 

These  researches  have  by  no  means  led  to  conclusive 
results  on  all  points,  but  the  following  points  are  fairly 
Eesults  we^  substantiated  :  First,  there  is  no  reason  to 
i.  The  Prin-  think  that  any  human  race  was  ever  without 
cipiesof  the  idea  and  practice  of  comparatively  per- 

arriage-      manent  marriage  unions.     In  the  struqgle  for 
Unions.  °    . 

existence,  a  species  must  be  very  prolific  in 

order  to  survive,  or  else  it  must  care  for  its  young ;  and 
this  care  must  continue  longer  as  the  period  of  im- 
maturity becomes  longer.  Among  many  birds,  and  some 
higher  apes,  there  seems  to  be  monogamous  marriage  for 
life ;  and  many  species  of  apes  care  for  their  young  until 
they  are  several  years  old.  In  the  lowest  stages  of 
human  development  marriage  unions  would  continue 
only  during  the  pleasure  of  the  parties ;  but  what 
evidence  we  have  rather  tends  to  show  that  commonly 


144  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

the  parties  chose  to  remain  together,  even  for  life.  When 
a  man  gained  the  power  to  treat  his  wife  as  private 
property,  the  woman  was  naturally  degraded  and  may 
often  have  lost  all  motive  to  chastity.  But  what  was 
lost  in  the  wife  was  more  than  made  up  in  the  husband, 
and  this  stage  probably  meant  an  increase  in  the  stability 
of  the  family.  When  at  length  the  wife  was  no  longer  a 
mere  slave,  though  her  husband  still  retained  many  rights 
over  her,  a  truer  union  was  again  possible.  This  eleva- 
tion may  have  been  due  to  the  fact  that  the  woman  went 
to  her  husband  from  another  protector,  and  thus  was  not 
so  completely  under  his  control.  Finally,  we  have  to-day 
at  least  the  idea  of  a  permanent  affiliation,  in  which  each 
member  is  complementary  to  the  other,  and  on  this  basis 
marriage  has  received  new  meaning,  moral  and  intel- 
lectual, civil  and  religious.  The  truth  seems  to  be  that 
while  sexual  relations  have  never  been  absolutely  confined 
to  the  family,  there  has  always  been  P.  family ;  and  that 
as  the  principle  of  the  family  has  advanced  from  animal 
association  to  property  in  women,  then  to  limited  rights 
of  the  husband,  and  finally  to  broader  association  in  the 
higher  developments  of  psychical  life,  the  family  has 
constantly  gained  in  permanence  and  restraints  to  pro- 
miscuous intercourse  of  the  sexes  have  been  correspond- 
ingly strengthened. 

The  question  as  to  the  number  of  persons  involved 
in  the  marriage  relation  should  fae  made  subordinate  to 
2.  Polyan-  the  questions  discussed  in  the  preceding  para- 
dry,  Poly-  graph.  The  polygynous  family  does  indeed 
gyny,  and  mean  a  very  different  social  organisation  from 

mogamy.  ^  polyandrous ;  but  the  essential  question 
is  still  whether  the  family  is  a  form  of  property,  or 
whether  it  is  based  on  some  lower  or  higher  form  of 
association.  The  relative  numbers  of  men  and  women 
exert  great  influence  on  the  marriage  -  relation.  In 
earlier  times  polygyny  was  the  result  of  success  in 
wife-stealing,  and  polyandry  was  frequent  when  men 


THE  FAMILY  AS  A   SOCIAL    UNIT.  145 

outnumbered  women.  The  reason  is  evident,  for  in  an 
undeveloped  society  the  sexes  must  ordinarily  live 
together.  Where  descent  was  reckoned  through  females 
or  not  at  all,  either  polyandry  or  polygyny  could  arise 
without  difficulty,  and  the  transition  from  one  to  the 
other  would  not  necessarily  be  a  violent  one.  The 
patriarchal  family  only  permits  some  very  limited  form 
of  polyandry,  such  as  the  possession  of  the  same  wife 
by  brothers;  on  the  other  hand,  based  as  it  usually  was 
on  property  rights,  polygyny  was  perfectly  normal.  The 
monogamous  family  seems  to  have  been  always  the 
commonest  form,  both  because  it  was  the  most  natural 
and  practical,  and  because  the  numbers  of  the  two 
sexes  were  generally  about  equal.  The  principle  of 
property  has,  on  the  whole,  favoured  monogamy,  as  most 
men  could  support  but  one  wife;  and  since  the  higher 
forms  of  the  family  are  only  possible  as  forms  of  union 
between  one  husband  and  one  wife,  this  is  the  only  type 
of  family  the  sociological  importance  of  which  it  will  be 
necessary  to  discuss. 

Children   have  always   been  associated   with  parents, 
even   among   the   higher   animals,  but   the   notion   that 
the   family  includes   more   than   two  genera- 
tions,  is    a    product    of    somewhat   advanced 
Affiliation 

and  Pro-  human  culture.  By  nature  the  child  is  far 
perty  Eights  more  closely  associated  with  the  mother  than 

m  the  with   the  father,  and  thus  blood-relationship 

Formation  of          ,,  ,,      ,  ,    .      ,,       „         ,     ,. 

the  Family     would  naturally  be  traced  in  the  female  line ; 

uncertain  paternity  would  also  favour  the 
family  on  the  basis  of  the  mother.  On  the  other  hand, 
when  the  sense  for  property  had  been  developed,  and 
had  become  the  principle  of  the  family,  the  children  of 
the  mother  would  naturally  belong  to  the  father  because 
the  mother  belonged  to  him.  Taking  the  family  in  the 
larger  sense  of  stock,  it  may  be  matriarchal,  in  which 
case  children  derive  position,  or  status,  from  the  mother ; 
while,  after  her  death,  the  elder  brother  assumes  authority 
L 


146  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

over  his  brothers  and  sisters,  and  over  their  children  (his 
nephews  and  nieces).  Or  it  may  be  patriarchal,  the 
children  belonging  to  the  race  of  the  father,  remaining 
under  his  care  and  protection,  and  inheriting  his  property. 
In  fact,  traces  of  the  matriarchal  family  and  the  matri- 
archal clan  are  to  be  found  in  every  quarter  of  the  globe, 
and  in  almost  every  race.  The  evidence  seems  to  show 
that  the  matriarchal  family  or  clan  has  ordinarily 
preceded  the  patriarchal,  though  the  proof  is  not  com- 
plete. The  important  fact  is  that  two  influences  have 
been  at  work  in  the  formation  of  the  larger  family, 
namely,  blood  affiliation  and  property  rights;  the  former 
of  the  two  was  generally  the  earlier,  the  latter  has 
conquered  in  the  end  by  bringing  the  former  into 
harmony  with  itself.  In  some  interesting  cases  we  may 
see  the  two  principles  at  work  simultaneously,  as,  for 
example,  among  those  tribes  of  North  American  Indians 
which  trace  relationship  through  females,  but  permit  the 
son,  and  not  the  nephew,  to  inherit  his  father's  property. 

I   have  outlined   the  results  of   recent  study  of    the 
family  in  its  historical  development,  because  a  knowledge 

of  the  different  principles  on  which  the  family 
m  y  has  been  based,  is  a  necessary  introduction  to 
Economic  any  study  of  the  family  as  a  factor  in  society. 
Activity  of  The  function  of  the  family  in  the  different 
Society :  the  mo(]es  Of  S0cial  activity  has  varied  widely  as 
Family.  ^s  character  has  changed.  In  the  economic 

world  the  family  has  always  been  an  im- 
portant factor.  The  lowest  stage  of  what  may  be  called 
the  family  resembles  the  highest  yet  developed,  in  that 
husband  and  wife  were  partners  in  the  effort  to  satisfy 
the  economic  needs.  In  this  partnership,  undoubtedly, 
the  greater  share  of  drudgery  fell  to  the  wife,  because 
the  weaker  one  could  be  compelled  to  do  more;  this, 
however,  does  not  mean  that  the  lot  of  a  savage's  wife  is 
always  a  hard  one,  except  in  localities  where  it  is  very 
difficult  to  secure  the  means  of  subsistence.  The  more 


THE  FAMILY  AS  A   S OCTAL    UNIT.  147 

strenuous  effort  of  war  and  hunting  fell  to  the  husband, 
nor  was  protection  and  the  supply  of  game  an  unim- 
portant factor  in  the  economic  unit.  The  reaction  of 
these  common  economic  interests  upon  the  family  unit 
had  no  great  effect  in  making  any  one  family  permanent ; 
still,  if  one  such  partnership  was  dissolved,  each  party 
found  it  necessary  to  enter  into  another  similar  one  in 
order  to  live  with  any  comfort.  The  rise  of  the  matri- 
archal family,  with  introduction  of  social  status,  gave 
the  woman  another  position  in  society  besides  the 
position  of  a  wife,  and  consequently  made  it  possible 
for  her  to  satisfy  economic  needs  in  some  other  way 
than  as  a  wife.  The  immediate  effect  of  this  must  have 
been  to  weaken  the  marriage  relation  as  an  economic 
bond,  while,  at  the  same  time,  it  extended  its  reach. 

In  the  patriarchal  family,  the  wife  is  the  property  of 
her  husband,  or  at  least  entirely  subordinate  to  him ;  the 
Later  Forms  economic  relation  is  equivalent  to  that  of 
of  the  master  and  slaves.  The  economic  needs  to  be 

Family  in      met  are  no  longer  the  needs  of  individuals  but 

the  needs  of  the  farnily«  and  ifc  is  the  famil7  in 
the  person  of  its  head  which  has  to  meet  these 

needs.  The  family  is  an  economic  unit  because  all  its 
members  have  disappeared  from  >  the  economic  world 
except  its  head.  This  absolute  dependence  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  family  upon  the  father  and  master,  must 
have  had  an  important  effect  in  making  the  family  a  true 
and  stable  unity,  as  viewed  from  other  standpoints.  The 
patriarchate  was  the  beginning  and  the  foundation  of 
stable  society.  As  the  power  of  the  husband  and  father 
decreased,  the  unity,  and  in  like  manner  the  economic 
function,  of  the  family  came  to  rest  on  a  new  basis.  Again 
it  became  a  sort  of  partnership  in  which  each  party 
possessed  certain  rights  and  performed  certain  functions ; 
again  it  became  a  social  aggregate,  and  something  more 
than  a  man  and  his  goods.  The  modern  family  is  a  com 
plex  unity  in  the  economic  world ;  the  husband  is  the 


148  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

breadwinner,  the  wife  is  supposed  to  make  the  home,  and 
the  presence  of  children  strengthens  this  complex  unity 
by  emphasising  the  difference  between  the  work  of 
father  and  mother,  and  by  increasing  the  stimulus  to  the 
work  of  each. 

It  is  impossible  to  prophecy  the  future  of  the  family  in 
the  economic  world.  Large  changes  are  going  on  at  the 
The  Economic  present  time,  as  the  result  of  the  opening  of 
Future  of  many  new  fields  of  economic  activity  to  female 
the  Family.  iai30ur>  This  movement,  begun  in  part  by 
philanthropists  in  order  to  enable  women  dependent  on 
their  own  labour  to  support  themselves,  has  been  hastened 
rapidly  by  the  low  price  of  female  labour,  until  to-day 
women  are  employed  in  almost  every  form  of  production 
suited  to  their  capacity.  Naturally  the  men  who  have 
been  engaged  in  these  forms  of  production,  feel  the  result 
of  this  influx  of  new  labour;  some  are  displaced  by 
women,  all  feel  the  effect  of  competition  with  persons 
ready  to  accept  lower  wages.  The  husband  no  longer 
receives  sufficient  wages  to  support  his  family,  so  that  his 
wife  is  obliged  to  go  into  the  factory  with  him ;  in  hard 
times,  unless  his  labour  is  really  superior  to  his  wife's,  he 
may  be  turned  off  before  his  wife,  and  the  husband  is 
supported  by  his  wife*.  The  evil  effects  of  such  a  change 
are,  of  course,  exaggerated  during  the  transition  period ; 
but  after  all  due  allowance  has  been  made  for  this  fact, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  change  now  going  on  is 
likely  to  have  a  most  deleterious  effect  on  family  life. 
The  necessity  that  the  family  be  an  economic  unity  is 
being  destroyed;  and  whatever  attacks  the  economic  life 
of  the  family  is  sapping  its  foundation.  This  is  a  far 
more  important  problem  in  regard  to  the  family  than  any 
laxness  of  the  divorce  laws. 

1  De  Lestrade,  EUments  de  Soci.ologie,  p.  75  sqq. ,  has  pointed  out  some  of 
the  evils  which  have  followed  the  opening  to  women  of  new  spheres  of 
economic  activity.  He  claims  that  it  has  attracted  many  away  from  a 
natural  family  lii'e,  instead  of  providing  means  of  securing  a  honourable 
livelihood  to  those  who  could  not  otherwise  provide  for  themselves. 


THE  FAMILY  AS  A   SOCIAL    UNIT.  149 

As  for  the  distinctly  social  life  of  society,  the  family  is 
the  only  fixed,  stable  unit  that  is  here  developed.     The 

matriarchal  family  taught  men  that  the  child 
II   The 
Family          never   entirely  lost  his   connection  with   the 

and  the  mother  who  bore  him.  Lines  were  fixed, 
"Social"  determining  to  a  certain  extent  the  course  of 
social  life ;  blood-relationship  became,  and  has 
ever  remained,  the  basis  of  social  relations. 
With  the  introduction  of  the  patriarchal  family  the  whole 
face  of  society  was  changed.  The  larger  family  had  a 
tendency  to  become  self-sufficient,  if  not  exclusive ;  social 
position  was  determined  both  by  birth  and  by  economic 
conditions;  social  relations  arose  among  those  of  the 
same  social  status.  The  change  produced  in  distinctly 
social  relations  by  the  development  of  the  modern  family, 
may  be  seen  by  comparing  society  in  a  Christian  country 
with  society  in  a  Mohammedan  country  to-day.  Woman, 
has  been  emancipated  from  the  position  of  a  chattel, 
society  centres  in  her  parlour,  and  the  reciprocal  courte- 
ous relations  of  husband  and  wife  are  the  signal  for  similar 
relations  among  men  and  women  generally.  But  no  proof  is 
needed  to  show  that  the  character  of  society  is  .determined 
by  the  character  of  the  family. 

Thirdly,  the  family  unit  has  performed  an  important 
function  in  the  psychical  life  of  society.  The  family  was 
the  first  school.  It  was  true  in  the  earlier 
Family  and  s^ages  of  society  as  it  is  to-day,  that  a  man  and 
the  Psychicaia  woman  unite  two  mental  worlds  in  one ;  the 
Life  of  horizon  of  each  is  widened  to  include  that 

ociety.    .      Wj1jc]1  the  other  has  included,  the  desires  and 
Intellectual. 

needs  of   each  become  the  desires  and  needs 

of  both.  Every  such  union  enlarges  the  mental  vision 
of  each  party,  and  more  than  this,  it  increases  the  power 
of  the  stimuli  to  intellectual  activity.  The  value  of  the 
family  in  stimulating  the  mind  has  always  depended  on 
the  coordinate  association  of  husband  and  wife,  and  in 
the  absence  of  this  the  family  may  even  be  a  hindrance  to 


ISO  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

intellectual  development ;  it  may  have  satisfied  the  need 
of  companionship  without  stimulating  the  need  of  in- 
tellectual companionship.  Farther,  the  intellectual  life 
of  society  depends  on  the  family  for  the  transmission 
of  intellectual  acquirements,  and  especially  of  intellectual 
interests.  The  school  proper  is  a  very  modern  institu- 
tion ;  the  child  of  the  savage  receives  the  language  and 
the  lore  of  his  tribe  in  the  family.  The  patriarchal  family 
came  to  include  the  schoolmaster  as  a  frequent  appendage. 
Even  the  present  elaborate  school-system  accomplishes 
but  little  except  where  it  supplements  the  intellectual 
life  of  the  home.  There  is  an  intellectual  heredity,  which 
is  far  more  important  than  the  transmission  of  mere 
knowledge  in  the  home,  as  it  is  more  important  than 
any  bodily  heredity.  The  child  shares  the  intellectual 
Life  of  the  home,  his  mind  unfolds  and  is  quickened  into 
activity  by  its  share  in  that  life.  Modes  of  thought 
peculiar  to  the  father  or  mother  reappear  in  the  child; 
but,  without  doubt,  the  most  valuable  part  of  this  mental 
inheritance  are  the  intellectual  needs,  the  love  of  truth, 
and  the  enjoyment  of  intellectual  intercourse;  occasionally 
these. may  be  kindled  by  later  association,  properly  they 
are  the  product  of  the  home.  The  family  stands  for  in- 
tellectual progress. 

There  is  no  school  to  be  compared  with  the  family  for 
the  development  of  aesthetic  taste  and  the  appreciation 
2  The  °^  ^e  Beautiful.  The  child  who  is  not  taught 

Family  at  home  to  sympathise  with  the  varying  moods 
trains  the  of  Nature,  and  to  enjoy  the  beautiful  in  his  en- 
Aesthetic  vironment,  will  probably  go  through  life  with 
eyes  closed  to  half  the  world  about  him.  Few 
teachers,  except  the  parents,  can  develop  the  beginnings 
of  literary  taste  in  the  child  ;  the  "  innate  "  love  of  music, 
and  love  of  beautiful  form  and  colour,  is  usually  a  product 
of  the  home  life.  The  very  relation  of  husband  and  wife 
tends  to  quicken  the  aesthetic  sense.  Outside  the  home, 
men  are  rubbing  against  each  other,  and  every  fibre  of 


THE  FAMILY  AS  A   SOCIAL    UNIT.  151 

their  nature  is  called  into  play  in  the  bitter  struggle 
for  existence.  The  family  is  a  charmed  circle,  shielded 
from  the  outside  world ;  here,  if  anywhere,  in  an 
atmosphere  of  sympathy  and  encouragement,  the  dor- 
mant love  of  beauty  is  quickened  into  life.  The  man 
whose  days  are  spent  in  severe  manual  labour  marries 
a  factory  girl ;  neither  of  them  had  lived  any  life  other 
than  the  long  days  of  work,  and  an  occasional  evening 
of  rude  jollity.  And  yet  the  new  home  shows  the  presence 
of  a  spirit  foreign  to  the  earlier  life  of  either;  an  effort 
for  beauty,  oftentimes  crude  enough,  is  apparent  in  all 
its  arrangements;  the  common  love  is  the  beginning  of 
a  higher  life. 

The  most  important  social  function  of  the  family  con- 
cerns the  moral  life  of  the  community.     The  new  relations 

of  the  family  tend  to  develop  the  moral  person- 
Family  ality  of  husband  and  wife,  father  and  mother, 
develops  the  In  the  first  place,  a  new  sense  of  responsibility 
Moral  Life  fs  developed.  The  single  man,  or,  indeed,  the 
Parent  single  woman,  may  forget  to-morrow  ;  however 

rashly  they  act,  they  alone  suffer  the  con- 
sequences ;  why  should  one's  rooms  be  tidy,  and  one's 
wages  be  saved  ?  All  this  is  changed  by  marriage,  for 
each  party  has  his  sphere,  and  is  responsible  for  two 
persons  in  that  sphere.  He  cannot  be  careless  of 
another's  welfare,  as  he  might  be  careless  of  his  own. 
This  is  even  more  true  as  children  come  into  the  home. 
The  husband  and  wife  can  suffer  together,  whether  to 
attain  some  desired  end,  or  to  expiate  some  carelessness 
or  sin ;  but  the  responsibility  for  helpless  children  is  the 
strongest  motive  to  use  the  opportunities  of  life  earnestly 
and  wisely.  Secondly,  the  family  relationship  trains  the 
parents  in  the  moral  power  of  self-sacrifice.  Husband 
and  wife  live  for  each  other,  but  as  parents  they  learn 
more  truly  the  joy  of  serving  those  they  love.  Personal 
happiness  is  sacrificed  both  in  direct  care  of  the  child,  and 
in  providing  for  its  present  and  future  happiness  ;  and  in 


152  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

this  sacrifice  new  and  higher  joy  is  found.  The  moral 
personality  may  be  developed  by  the  child,  even  after  the 
man  has  been  hardened  to  all  other  influences.  Finally, 
as  has  already  been  suggested,  the  ideal  in  life  is  kept 
alive  by  the  family  relations.  Here  one's  sense  of  the 
dignity  of  life,  and  the  dignity  of  virtue,  is  quickened ; 
men  learn  anew  the  sacredness  of  duty,  the  absolute 
worth  of  honour  and  of  truth.  The  typical  union  means 
a  union  of  the  highest,  truest  life,  which  can  never  be 
shared  except  in  the  family,  for  here  alone  can  it  receive 
perfect  sympathy.  No  man  is  so  strong,  morally,  that 
he  is  not  aided  in  his  purpose  of  right  by  a  wife's 
approval ;  no  man  is  so  degraded  as  not  to  feel  the  power 
of  love. 

The  child  owes  his  moral  nature,  his  conscience,  and 
the   beginnings   of   character,  to   the   family   life.      The 

_,     ,  family  is  a  moral  unit;  the  moral  life  of  the 

Moral  .  : 

Personality    whole,  as  determined   by  the  parents,  is  re- 

of  the  Child  fleeted  in  the  moral  life  of  each  member.  The 
Developed  in  virtues  prized  by  the  parents,  the  rules  of 
Lnu  y>  action  which  they  lay  down  for  themselves, 
the  ideals  which  -ennoble  their  lives  and  give  them 
meaning,  these  are  the  influences  which  mould  the  moral 
life  of  the  child.  The  more  completely  this  ideal  of 
moral  solidarity  of  the  family  is  realised,  the  better  it 
fulfils  its  mission.  This  moral  solidarity  does  not  at 
all  mean  that  complete  subjection  of  the  family  to  one 
iron  will,  which  is  sometimes  seen.  Unless  the  sub- 
ordination of  children  to  parents  is  such  a  social  union 
as  to  develop  to  the  fullest  extent  the  moral  personality 
of  each  one  concerned,  it  entirely  fails  of  its  mission. 
The  family  has  been  a  direct  hindrance  to  progress  when 
the  rule  has  been  complete  subjection  to  parents  during 
their  entire  life;  it  has  accomplished  nothing  when  the 
son  has  been  kept  a  child  morally,  until  he  has  suddenly 
been  dropped  into  the  world  and  entirely  cut  off  from 
family  influences,  at  the  age  of  physical  maturity.  It  is 


THE  FAMILY  AS  A   SOCIAL   UNIT.  153 

necessary  that  the  family  be  indeed  a  union  of   moral 
personalities,  if  it  is  to  develop  moral  personality. 

The  spiritual  inheritance  which  a  child  may  expect  to 
receive  from  his  parents,  includes  not  only  intellectual 

training  and  intellectual  desires,  not  only  the 
heritance  distinctly  moral  rules  and  moral  ideals,  but 
includes  also  the  family  traditions  and  customs  and 
Customs  and  beliefs.  These  customs  form,  as  it  were,  the 

setting  for  morality  ;  they  are  the  background 


on  which  the  moral  rules  stand  out  clearly ; 
at  the  same  time  they  invest  morality  with  a  certain 
graciousness  which  never  pertains  to  a  morality  learned 
from  books,  or  from  the  rude  experiences  of  life.  These 
social  usages  not  only  render  the  moral  life  of  the 
family  attractive,  but  they  constitute  an  additional 
safeguard  and  strength  for  the  morality  which  has  this 
source. 

Language  and  science  may  be  learned  in  other  schools ; 
other  associations  may  develop  the  aesthetic  sense ;  moral 

habits  and  moral  ideals  depend  in  a  peculiar 
Moral  Train-  ..  r.  ./  . 

ing  in  the      way  upon  the  family.      Society  itself    trains 

Family  versus  but  rudely  in  morals ;  it  recognises  only  gross 
Moral  Train-  an(j  outward  sins,  it  punishes  harshly  and  un- 
ingm  e  a  Syinpathetjcai}y  those  who  go  astray.  The 
fundamental  conceptions  of  a  true  self- 
assertion  and  a  generous  self-sacrifice,  are  learned  only  in 
the  family.  The  strong  learn  to  respect  the  weaker,  the 
weak  are  encouraged  to  develop  their  strength  by  using 
it,  under  the  influence  of  family  love.  The  temperament 
of  bold  assertion  in  one,  the  cunning  pliancy  of  another 
who  overcomes  by  yielding — these  are  what  society  de- 
velops to  supply  the  absence  of  this  early  training  in  the 
family.  Again,  the  absoluteness  of  duty,  and  the  true 
excellence  of  virtue,  can  be  learned  only  in  the  family. 
Only  a  parent  can  say  "  thou  shalt,"  and  compel  hearty 
obedience  by  the  power  of  an  overmastering  love.  The 
world  says,  "  Honesty  is  the  best  policy,"  and  the  virtue  it 


154  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

demands  cannot  stand  the  strain  when  it  no  longer  seems 
the  best  policy.  "  Nothing  succeeds  like  success,"  men  say, 
and  success  blots  out  every  sin.  Finally,  those  more 
delicate  excellencies,  honour,  sympathy,  and  tact,  are  not 
to  be  learned  outside  the  home.  They  rest  of  necessity 
on  love  of  man,  they  can  only  develop  under  the  shadow 
of  a  parent's  love. 

The  moral  heritage  of  each  generation  is  the  true  basis 
of  progress.  The  son  must  be  equipped  with  the  best 
Moral  manners  and  morals  of  his  parents,  or  he 

Inheritance  starts  on  a  lower  plane  than  he  might.  Were 
the  Basis  of  ^  not  for  this  spiritual  heredity,  each  genera- 
rogress'tion  would  be  obliged  to  start  at  the  very 
beginning,  and  to  build  a  society  without  either  bricks  or 
mortar.  It  were  bad  enough  if  each  generation  had  to 
invent  its  own  language,  and  to  work  out  a  science  and  a 
philosophy  with  no  gain  from  ages  that  had  past.  But 
the  very  basis  of  the  progress  of  society  is  moral  pro- 
gress, and  moral  progress  depends  on  moral  heredity 
working  through  the  family.  Hugo,  speaking  of  S. 
Dumas,  who  died  in  defence  of  the  right,  says :  "  II  e"tait 
le  produit  de  cette  magnifique  loi  d'ascension  qui  la 
Revolution  a  determined,  et  qui  veut  que  le  fils  soit  plus 
que  le  pere."1 

From  the  standpoint  of  religion,  the  family  does  the 
same  important  work  that  it  does  for  the  moral  life. 
„,  Husband  and  wife  may  help  one  another  in 

Religious  other  ways  while  holding  different  religious 
Unity  of  the  convictions,  but  the  true  unity  of  the  family 
Family.  jg  impOSSjbie  when  the  inmost  life  of  each 
member  is  lived  apart;  even  when  the  religious  life  of 
each  expresses  itself  in  different,  apparently  opposite, 
ways,  they  cannot  help  influencing  each  other's  religious 
views,  and  a  true  family  life  can  hardly  fail  to  develop 
a  religious  side.  In  this  intimate  union,  the  religious 
life  finds  its  best  inspiration ;  God  comes  nearest  to  his 
1  Quoted  by  De  Lestrade,  Elements  de  Sociologic,  p.  90. 


THE  FAMILY  AS  A   SOCIAL    UNIT.  155 

followers  at  the  family  altar,  and  the  responsibilities  and 
joys  of  the  family  open  the  heart  to  the  divine  life. 

Eeligion  also  is  a  part  of  that  spiritual  inheritance 
which   the   child    receives   from    his    parents.      At   the 

mother's  knee,  children  learn  to  know  God 
111  y  with  a  more  vivid  sense  of  his  presence  and 
Progress  of  his  love  than  is  gained  in  any  other  way ; 
Eeligion  and  far  away  as  one  may  wander,  it  is  to  the 
depend  on  mother's  Qod  thafc  he  returns.  The  divine 
the  Family.  .  . 

authority,   and    righteousness,   and   love,  find 

their  first  meaning  in  the  loving  commands  of  a  parent, 
and  the  philosopher  and  the  theologian  continue  to  speak 
of  God  as  the  Father  in  heaven.  Sharing  the  religious 
life  of  the  family,  entering  into  its  religious  aspirations, 
as  well  as  its  modes  of  religious  belief  and  worship,  the 
child  learns  to  know  God  for  himself.  Each  false  step 
is  checked,  each  doubt  is  overcome  in  the  presence  of 
faith,  each  crisis  resolved  in  higher  life  under  the 
guidance  of  parental  love.  Here,  again,  progress  is 
possible  only  when  the  family  fulfils  its  duty  in  the 
development  of  spiritual  life.  Eeligion  extends  its  sway 
over  new  territory,  and  brings  new  spheres  of  social 
activity  under  its  influence,  only  when  one  generation 
quickens  religious  life  in  the  generation  that  follows. 
The  religious  motive  increases  in  strength,  and  enters 
more  deeply  into  the  lives  of  those  who  accept  it,  only 
when  the  child  may  start  with  the  religious  life  of  his 
family,  and  keep  this  alive  in  new  family  relations. 

I  have  refrained  from  speaking  of  the  position  of  the 

family  in  the  state  and  of  its  duty  to  the  state  until 

after  treating  the  preceding  topic,  because  the 

Function  of   political  function  of  the  family  depends  on  its 

the  Family    place  in  the  psychical  life  of   society.      The 

in  Political  famiiv  js  the  basis  of  the  state,  because  the 
Life 

citizen  is  the  product  of  the  family.     For  the 

state  in  particular,  as  for  society  in  general,  the  principle 
of  continuity  and  of  progress  finds  its  strongest  support 


156  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

in  the  family.  Here  alone  do  the  civic  sentiments  and 
virtues  find  a  natural  soil  favouring  their  growth ;  loyalty 
to  the  state  and  love  of  one's  country  must  be  developed 
in  the  home  if  their  roots  are  to  penetrate  deeper  than 
self-interest.  The  sense  of  civic  responsibility  has  no 
genuine  vigour  if  it  waits  to  be  called  out  by  wrongs 
actually  suffered  from  a  corrupt  administration.  To-day 
public  evils  persist  under  every  form  of  government, 
because  men  can  hardly  ever  be  made  to  realise  their 
duty  to  the  state  until  the  burdens  brought  upon  them 
become  excessive  in  each  individual  case.  Again,  the 
power  of  self-sacrifice  in  behalf  of  one's  country  is 
developed  with  other  forms  of  self-sacrifice  in  the  family. 
Prom  the  parents  are  learned  both  the  value  of  the  ends 
which  may  call  forth  self-devotion,  and  that  moral  energy 
which  does  not  hesitate  at  any  cost  when  the  end  justifies 
the  sacrifice.  Finally,  the  power  to  act  with  others  is 
best  learned  in  the  family.  This  must  be  learned  else- 
where, if  not  in  the  family;  but  he  who  goes  into  the 
world  without  it,  must  acquire  it  in  the  battle  of  life  and 
at  the  cost  of  many  severe  blows. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

THE   STATE  AS  AN  ORGAN   OF   SOCIAL  ACTIVITY. 

THE  state  was  the  earliest  form  of  social  life  to  receive 
careful  study,  and  it  has  commanded  the  attention  of  men 
Methods  w^n  verv  different  interests.  By  reason  of  the 
Used  in  the  great  divergence  of  views  as  to  the  real  nature 
Science  of  of  the  state,  and  also  because  discussions  of 
this  topic  have  ordinarily  assumed  a  technical 
character,  it  is  peculiarly  difficult  to  give  a  brief  intro- 
duction to  the  study  of  the  state  as  a  social  organ.  There 
is  no  general  agreement  even  as  to  the  method  by  which 
valid  results  may  be  reached.  Among  those  who  regard 
politics  as  a  science,  and  who  would  study  the  facts  of 
political  life  as  they  actually  exist,  some  study  the  state  of 
to-day,  others  the  state  as  it  has  developed  towards  its 
present  form.  The  former  school,  which  may  be  called 
analytic,  has  reached  very  important  results,  and  through 
the  writings  of  Bentham  and  Austin,  has  exercised  a  very 
important  influence  on  political  life,  especially  in  England. 
The  historical  school,  in  all  its  different  forms,  seeks  to  go 
back  of  what  is  seen  to-day,  and  to  explain  present  facts 
by  showing  how  they  arose.  The  writings  of  Sir  Henry 
Maine  have  made  this  position  familiar  to  English  readers. 
Long  before  the  careful  usj  of  these  scientific  methods  in 
politics,  and  in  a  measure  since  their  introduction, 
philosophy  has  been  ready  to  explain  the  phenomena  of 
the  state.  In  the  name  of  "reason,"  systems  of  natural 
law  have  been  propounded,  deducing  the  state,  its 
authority  and  its  form,  its  functions  and  their  organs, 


158  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

from  the  nature  of  reasonable  beings.  Or  again,  a  crude 
individualism  has  begun  by  postulating  men  without 
social  relations,  and  then  has  introduced  these  relations 
by  means  of  a  social  contract.  Methods  not  very  different 
from  these  in  essential  character  are  still  used  in  France 
and  Germany ;  philosophic  systems  discuss  the  validity  of 
law,  and  outline  the  perfect  state  on  the  basis  of  natural 
principles  discovered  by  reason.  Apart  from  all  question 
as  to  the  truth  of  these  results,  it  is  the  work  of  science 
to  determine  what  the  state  is,  not  what  it  ought  to  be ; 
and  with  this  in  view,  I  propose  first  to  give  an  account 
of  some  typical  earlier  forms  of  the  state,  in  order  to  show 
the  principles  on  which  the  state  has  been  based,  and  the 
functions  which  it  has  performed  for  society. 

The  earliest  germ  of  that  political  life  which  later 
develops  into  the  state,  is  found  in  the  temporary  union 
A— l  The  °^  men  navmg  some  interests  in  common,  for 
Beginnings  the  purposes  of  defence.  The  only  source  of 
of  Political  political  cohesion  was  pressure  from  outside, 
and  the  only  function  of  the  temporary  govern- 
ment was  to  defend  members  of  the  group  from  outside 
attack.  The  form  of  such  a  government  might  be  a  sort 
of  oligarchy,  since  it  was  necessarily  based  on  respect  for 
those  whose  personal  prowess  and  skill  enabled  the  group 
to  meet  attack  successfully.  Even  this  slight  beginning  of 
political  life  can  hardly  arise  until  men  recognise  some 
common  interests ;  frequently  it  is  associated  with  the 
early  development  of  clan -relationship,  and  utilises  these 
ties  of  blood  even  when  it  does  not  coincide  with  the 
clan. 

The  next  distinct  type  of  political  organisation  may  be 
termed  the  tribal  state,  the  state  on  the  basis  of  blood- 
relationship.  Some  type  of  family,  in  later 

times  the  patriarchal  family,  formed  the  basis 
Tribe  Etate.  r  J ' 

of  the  tribal  state ;  this  unit,  held  together  by 
ties  of  blood  and  by  economic  ties,  by  a  common  authority 
and  a  common  religion,  was  the  stable  element  out  of 


THE  STATE  AN  ORGAN  OF  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.    159 

which  states  were  constructed.  Naturally,  then,  the 
state  was  regarded  as  a  larger  family;  common  descent 
of  all  citizens  from  a  fictitious  ancestor  was  postulated, 
in  order  that  political  union  might  have  the  sacred- 
ness  awarded  to  ties  of  blood ;  a  common  religion  arose, 
lending  the  sanction  of  another  world — the  world  of  the 
gods — to  the  duties  and  the  ties  of  this  world;  trade 
with  other  nations  was  often  forbidden,  that  the  nation 
might  be  a  self-sufficient  economic  unit;  the  king  was 
invested  with  the  absolute  authority  of  a  father,  and 
with  the  duties  of  a  father.  The  cohesion  of  such  a 
state  is  simply  the  cohesion  of  the  family  on  a  larger 
scale,  though  a  common  religion  and  a  common  authority 
have  more  important  functions.  Military  power  does 
not  make  a  nation,  but  the  authority  which  can  enforce 
obedience  and  develop  the  habit  of  submission,  pertains 
to  the  very  essence  of  the  state.  Eeligion,  especially 
in  the  form  of  ancestor-worship,  performed  a  very  im- 
portant service,  both  in  developing  the  babit  of  obedience, 
and  by  enforcing  with  supernatural  sanctions  all  the 
customs  of  the  past.  Such  a  tribal  state  defended  its 
citizens  against  attack  from  outside ;  its  military  power 
guaranteed  safety  from  human  enemies,  and  by  its 
religious  ceremonies  it  retained  the  favour  of  the  gods. 
To  its  internal  functions  no  exact  limit  can  be  set. 
Theoretically  it  might  exercise  the  authority  of  a  father 
over  the  lives  and  possessions  of  its  subjects ;  practically 
the  citizen  has  no  protection  against  state-interference 
except  the  habit  of  non-interference  that  must  charac- 
terise any  state  which  seeks  permanence  by  retaining 
the  loyalty  of  its  subjects.  The  tribal  state  may  be 
governed  by  a  king  or  by  some  sort  of  council,  but 
whatever  the  form  of  government,  the  state  is  largely 
built  up  on  the  lines  of  the  family,  its  authority  can 
be  compared  to  the  authority  of  the  father  (when  the 
family  is  organised  on  this  basis),  and  its  functions  are 
the  functions  of  a  larger  family. 


160  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

The  city-state  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans  is  the  out- 
come of  this  early  tribal  state,  and  shows  the  form 
3  The  Cit  -  wn^cn  ^  assumes  on  a  high  plane  of  civilisa- 
state  of  the  tion.  The  cohesion  of  the  state  is  due  to 
Greeks  and  bonds  of  the  same  character  as  before.  Life 
Eomans.  -n  ^ne  same  locaiity  does,  indeed,  accomplish 
more  to  unite  men  as  society  becomes  more  stable,  but 
the  ties  of  blood  are  still  strong,  and  the  fiction  of 
relationship  often  lends  its  sanction  to  ties  that  had 
another  origin ;  moreover,  a  state-religion  is  still  a  bond 
of  political  union.  The  true  guarantee  of  permanence, 
the  real  unity  of  the  state,  consists  in  the  highly- 
developed  life  of  the  people.  No  longer  is  this  limited 
to  a  few  customs  which  differ  slightly  from  the  customs 
of  a  neighbouring  tribe ;  all  that  makes  life  worth  living 
finds  its  expression  in  the  common  ^ife  and  culture  of 
the  group.  The  city  -  state  performs  the  functions  of 
defence  against  attack  of  man,  and  against  the  wrath 
of  the  divinities;  while,  as  an  enlarged  family,  it  may 
direct  all  the  common  life  of  its  members.  The  functions 
of  the  developed  city-state  differ  from  those  of  the 
earlier  tribe  generally  in  the  greater  regularity  and 
permanence  which  characterise  them,  and  the  most  im- 
portant change  in  detail  is  the  administration  of  justice 
which  the  civilised  state  is  gradually  assuming.  What- 
ever be  the  particular  form  of  government,  whether  it 
be  despotic,  or  aristocratic,  or  democratic  in  the  old 
sense  of  the  word,  it  is  really  government  by  a  class; 
and  it  depends  on  a  certain  balance  of  power  between 
the  different  classes  in  society.  King  or  council  governs 
all  classes  through  the  class  that  is  strongest,  or  that 
is  in  the  best  position  to  control. 

The  third  type  of  state  to  become  prominent  in  the 
political  development  of  the  Indo-European 
Feudal  state  races  was  tne  feudal  monarchy.  Here  personal 
allegiance  takes  precedence  over  the  other  fac- 
tors which  bind  society  together,  and  an  elaborate  system 


THE  STATE  AND  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.          161 

of  personal  rights  and  duties  constitutes  the  very  frame- 
work of  the  state.  It  is  no  longer  a  larger  family; 
it  is  rather  an  army,  and  government  is  a  military 
institution,  though  blood  and  locality  partly  determine 
the  composition  of  the  army.  The  functions  of  the 
feudal  state  are,  first,  defence — each  chieftain,  small  or 
great,  defends  his  subordinates  from  attack,  and  each 
dependent  can  be  summoned  to  aid  his  superior  in 
battle ;  secondly,  the  administration  of  justice — each 
chieftain  enforces  law  and  custom  among  his  dependents, 
and  brings  his  own  wrongs  before  his  superior  for  judg- 
ment; thirdly,  the  direction  of  affairs,  many  of  which 
to-day  would  be  called  private,  for  economic  production 
and  distribution  are  conducted  largely  along  feudal  lines, 
and  economic  activity  is,  in  large  measure,  controlled 
from  above.  The  form  of  the  feudal  state  is  peculiar, 
in  that  it  has  the  semblance  of  being  organised  from 
above.  According  to  this  ideal  the  king  owns  the  whole 
state,  nobles  receive  their  fiefs  at  his  hand,  and  distribute 
their  lands  among  their  subordinates,  while  themselves 
retaining  the  titles.  Formerly  men  lived  for  the  state; 
now  they  are  called  on  to  live  for  the  king  in  whom 
the  state  has  been  concentrated.  Moreover,  consent  to 
feudal  authority  is  no  longer  due  to  inbred  custom  alone ; 
it  certainly  is  not  the  free  consent  of  reason;  it  is  the 
consent  of  want,  for  the  individual  absolutely  cannot  live 
except  in  the  place  where  he  finds  himself. 

The   feudal   type   of   government   was   never  realised 
long  at  a  time,  but  the  ideas  which  it  engendered  have 

borne    fruit    in    the    aristocratic    monarchies 
5.   The 
Limited         which  have  succeeded  the  old   feudal  states. 

Monarchy      Patriotism   has   often   meant  loyalty   to    the 

and               king     rather     than     loyalty  to     the     state  ; 

monarchs    still   continued    to  treat    the  state 

as    their    private    property,   and    every  concession    and 

limitation    of    their    authority    has    been   secured    with 

difficulty.      Gradually    the    cohesion   of  the    state    has 

M 


162  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

come  to  depend  more  and  more  on  the  highly-developed 
and  differentiated  common  life,  of  which  it  is  the  political 
expression ;  many  and  various  ties  bind  men  together, 
and  patriotism  is  devotion  to  the  state  which  protects 
men  in  the  interests  which  make  up  their  very  life. 
The  question  as  to  the  proper  functions  of  government 
to-day  requires  separate  consideration ;  but  it  is  easy 
to  see  that  trade  has  been  throwing  off  the  yoke  of 
political  control,  that  government  has  but  little  to  do 
with  social  relations,  and  that  the  intellectual,  artistic, 
and  religious  life  of  every  people  is  rapidly  freeing  itself 
from  political  influence  and  support.  To-day,  as  in 
earlier  times,  governments  have  various  forms,  depending 
largely  on  their  historic  precedents ;  but  the  principle  on 
which  the  state  rests  is  about  the  same  in  all.  The 
sovereignty  of  the  people  is  the  real  governing  power, 
different  as  may  be  the  form  of  its  expression.  The 
king  is  the  minister  of  the  people,  not  a  superior  being 
clothed  with  divine  rights;  and  Parliament  is  forced  to 
register  the  will  of  the  people,  or  its  character  is  changed 
until  it  does.  The  will  of  the  people  is  expressed  by 
means  of  representatives  elected  for  the  purpose,  and 
responsible  to  the  body  which  has  delegated  power  to 
them.  By  this  device  the  government  is  brought  into 
closest  relations  with  a  large  body  of  people ;  it  is 
theoretically  possible  for  the  people  to  choose  men  far 
wiser  than  the  average  to  administer  affairs  of  state, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  each  individual  is  encouraged  to 
defend  his  own  liberty. 

Having  thus  outlined  some  of  the  typical  forms  of  the 
early  state,  we  may  now  ask,  What  is  the  essential 
B.  Relation  nature  of  the  state?  With  reference  to  this 
of  Law  to  question,  we  get  much  light  from  the  study 
the  state.  0£  jaw>  for  jaw  js  tj)e  organised  body  of  rules 

which  are  enforced  by  the  state.  So  intimate  is  the 
connection  between  the  nature  of  a  body  of  laws  and 
the  nature  of  the  state  which  enforces  these  laws,  that 


THE  STATE  AND  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.          163 

it  is  possible  to  argue  safely  from  the  one  to  the 
other. 

In  earliest  times,  the  basis  of  law  is  to  be  found  in 
custom  and  religion.  To  make  a  law  would  be  an  act 
Earl  Law  as  imP°ssi^e  as  ^  was  sacrilegious.  The 
based  on  ideas  of  justice  which  the  state  enforces  are 
Custom  and  to  be  found  in  an  elaborate  body  of  custom, 

igion.  £Q  ^^h  absolute  validity  is  assigned.  Priests 
often  have  the  duty  of  preserving  the  knowledge  of  this 
custom,  and  the  rules  of  procedure  which  it  enjoins  are 
frequently  religious  in  their  nature ;  but  the  priest  has 
no  recognised  power  to  make  any  change  in  them.  The 
only  principle  of  growth  which  we  can  discover  lies  in 
the  power  of  king  (or  judiciary  body)  to  decide  new 
cases,  provided  he  follows  the  established  rules  of  pro- 
cedure. By  means  of  these  special  cases  the  range  of 
customary  law  might  be  widely  extended,  and  it  was  so 
extended  when  the  people  felt  the  need  of  a  more  com- 
plete law.  Law  rested  on  the  fact  that  a  people  assigned 
authority  to  certain  principles  of  action. 

With  the  development  of  higher  stages  of  civilisation, 
this  reverence  for  custom  did  not  entirely  disappear, 

although  the  need  of  a  more  extended  law  was 
Law  as 
Extended  by  constantly  felt.     Until  comparatively  modern 

the  Courts  times,  this  need  was  largely  met  by  the  courts, 
in  Later  ij<ne  adjudication  of  particular  cases  continued 
to  be  the  source  of  large  additions  to  what 
was  generally  recognised  as  law  or  "right,"  and  this 
process  gradually  assumed  two  forms.  First,  cases 
decided  as  coming  under  previously  existing  law  fre- 
quently extended  the  scope  of  that  law.  And,  secondly, 
new  cases,  of  which  the  court  was  ready  to  take  cog- 
nisance, might  lead  to  a  wide  extension  of  the  actual 
law  of  a  people.  The  decisions  of  the  Roman  Praetor, 
together  with  the  edicts  announcing  the  principles  which 
would  govern  these  decisions,  and  the  English  Courts 
of  Chancery,  are  the  most  striking  examples  of  this  kind 


164  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

of  law-making.  In  both  these  forms,  a  law  is  evidently 
a  rule  which  the  people  recognise  as  binding,  because 
their  courts  enforce  it. 

In  the  modern  state,  almost  all  law  has  its  source  in 
legislative  bodies  formed  for  the  purpose  of  pronouncing 
Law-making  laws.  Such  bodies  are  said  to  have  legal 
by  sovereignty,  i.e.,  they  have  the  power  to  make 
Legislatures.  ]awg  whjch  the  judge  and  the  lawyer  are 
bound  to  recognise  as  valid  (except  where  a  constitu- 
tion is  contravened).  The  ease  with  which  a  law  seems 
to  be  "made"  to-day,  gives  rise  to  the  idea  that  law 
may  really  be  manufactured  without  limit ;  but  a  deeper 
study  shows  that  the  real  foundation  of  law  is  still  the 
will  of  the  people.  Unless  public  opinion  stands  behind 
a  law,  transgressors  will  not  be  brought  before  the  courts, 
and  even  the  courts  themselves  will  be  lax  to  adminster 
the  law.  And  when  the  will  of  the  people  demands  a 
new  law  to  express  a  definitely  formed  opinion,  no  body 
of  legislators  can  permanently  stand  in  its  way.  The 
legislator  is  really  the  formulator  of  law,  not  its  maker; 
legal  sovereignty,  the  power  to  make  valid  laws,  rests 
with  the  legislature ;  but  the  real  sovereignty  is  the  will 
of  the  people,  and  no  law  continues  to  be  effective  unless 
the  people  recognise  it  as  law,  and  consent  to  obey  it  as 
law.  It  is  necessary  to  remember,  however,  that  the 
"  will  of  the  people "  does  not  mean  a  momentary 
majority,  and  perhaps  not  a  majority  at  all,  nor  is  it 
any  capricious  wish.  Traditions  of  the  past  are  a  most 
potent  factor  in  determining  it  ;  temperament  and 
education  help  to  mould  it ;  the  attitude  of  neighbouring 
states  and  the  desire  for  the  future  prosperity  of  one's 
own  state  furnish  additional  motives ;  and  the  people 
which  has  no  common  life  sufficiently  developed  to 
produce  a  common  will,  can  have  no  laws,  for  there  is 
no  basis  for  the  state. 

Modern  political  science  finds  the  real  basis  of  the 
state's  authority,  as  well  as  the  basis  of  the  authority 


THE  STATE  AND  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.          165 

of  law,  in  the  will  of  the  people.  When  a  people  con- 
Sovereignty  sen^  ^°  °bey  the  state,  the  state  has  thereby 
and  the  the  right  to  exercise  authority  ;  and,  inasmuch 
Conception  of  as  tne  reaj  wfn  Of  the  people  is  formed 


gradually,  and  changes  but  slowly,  the  state 
has  a  comparatively  stable  foundation.  The  people,  not 
a  majority  within  a  given  territory,  but  the  people  as 
a  definite  society,  are  the  basis  of  the  state  ;  the  state 
is  simply  the  organ  of  society  to  accomplish  certain 
ends,  and  it  is  distinguished  from  other  social  organs 
by  the  fact  that  it  is  the  embodiment  of  social  authority 
or  sovereignty.  The  state  may  be  defined  as  a  society 
exercising  authority  over  its  members  ;  compared  with 
the  authority  of  other  social  institutions,  the  authority 
of  the  state  is  final  ;  and,  for  this  reason,  two  states,  as 
states,  cannot  exist  in  the  same  territory. 

The  question  as  to  the  proper  functions  of  the  state 
and  the  limits  to  state  activity,  has  been  much  discussed 
C  The  Func-  during  the  Past  century.  The  cry  for  liberty 
tions  of  the  has  been  a  potent  force  in  limiting  the  sphere 
Modern  of  government  ;  believers  in  the  commune  as 
the  political  unit,  or  in  "state's  rights,"  have 
resisted  any  increase  of  activity  on  the  part  of  the 
central  government  ;  individualists  in  philosophy  and  the 
liberal  school  of  political  economists,  have  resented  any 
interference  by  the  state  in  the  sphere  of  -thought  and  the 
sphere  of  industry.  But  on  the  other  hand,  the  less- 
favoured  classes  find  some  nations  ready  to  lend  them 
special  aid,  and  they  ask  this  aid  of  all  ;  legislatures  seem 
to  be  omnipotent,  so  they  are  asked  to  make  the  world 
over  ;  all  realise  the  solidarity  of  the  nation  as  never 
before,  and  if  all  have  a  common  interest,  why  should 
not  the  government  seek  to  further  that  interest  in  any 
way  at  its  command  ?  The  commonly  accepted  idea  of 
the  state  affords  a  general  principle  which  throws  light 
on  this  question,  although  it  is  not  sufficient  in  itself 
to  decide  particular  cases.  The  state,  as  we  have  seen, 


1 66  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

is  a  society  exercising  authority  over  its  members,  and 
having  final  authority  within  a  given  territory.  It  is 
evident  that  forms  of  activity  which  demand  the  power 
of  the  whole  society  for  their  realisation,  or,  again,  which 
require  general  rules  enforced  on  all  classes  alike,  come 
within  the  proper  sphere  of  the  state.  On  the  other 
hand,  an  almost  universal  experience  has  shown  that 
where  freedom  of  initiative  is  required,  political  machinery 
is  likely  to  stand  in  the  way  of  success. 

The  forms  of  state  activity  undertaken  by  the  modern 
European  state,  may  be  classified  under  three  heads : 
Three  Forms  (a)  activity  with  reference  to  other  states, 
of  state  guaranteeing  protection  from  external  attack 
Activity.  or  interference,  (6)  activity  with  reference  to 
its  citizens,  guaranteeing  them  security  and  liberty,  and 
(c)  modification  of  other  forms  of  social  activity.  Under 
the  last  heading  comes  the  interference  of  the  state  in 
the  sphere  of  economic  life,  and  in  the  sphere  of  intellec- 
tual life,  the  propriety  of  which  is  being  so  generally 
discussed  to-day. x 

The  first  necessity  of  a  state  is  the  power  to  assert  a 
place  for  itself  among  its  neighbours.  The  case  of  some 
I  Diplo-  °^  ^ne  smaller  European  States  (e.g.  Belgium) 
matic  and  shows  that  this  power  is  not  necessarily 
Military  military  force  alone,  yet  ordinarily  the  state 
c  1V1  y>  must,  be  able  to  defend  its  territory  by 
military  means.  In  this  manner,  the  nation  is  isolated 
from  other  nations  so  far  as  it  may  think  desirable, 
and  its  peculiar  institutions  have  an  opportunity  for 
free  development.  The  first  condition  of  peace  and 
security  is  this  protection  from  external  attack.  The 
sphere  of  convention  between  different  states  has  been 

1  This  classification  corresponds  roughly  with  the  three  ends  of  State 
activity  proposed  by  von  Holtzendortf  (Principien  der  Politik,  chapters 
vii.,  ix.,  and  x.)  namely,  Machtzweck,  Rcchtzwcck,  and  gesellschnftliche 
Culturzweck,  although  the  definition  of  each  differs  radically  from  his.  It 
seems  to  me  quite  unnecessary  to  discuss  the  ultimate  ends  of  the  State 
proposed  by  Bluntschli  and  Burgess. 


THE  STATE  AND  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.          167 

widely  extended  in  modern  times,  so  that  a  state  to-day 
requires  a  wise  diplomatic  service  in  addition  to  mere 
military  power,  if  it  is  to  maintain  its  position  with 
reference  to  other  states.  By  this  means  states  enter 
into  union  with  each  other  for  purposes  of  common 
advantage,  and  each  state  finds  larger  sphere  for  the 
exercise  of  its  own  individuality.  So  long  as  different 
states  preserve  their  distinct  national  life,  this  two- 
fold form  of  activity  will  continue;  and  in  spite  of 
all  that  is  justly  urged  against  the  great  armaments 
of  Europe,  there  can  be  no  question  that  the  necessity 
of  maintaining  its  position  does  very  much  to  develop 
the  resources  and  the  common  life  of  each  nation. 

The   second   fundamental    form    of    political    activity 
concerns  the  relation  of  citizens  to  each  other  and  to  the 

state,  and  its  aim  is  to  guarantee  security  and 
II.  The  State  ..  .  .  ,  * 

punishes        liberty  to  each  citizen  and  to  protect  the  state 

Crimes  and  from  the  internal  danger  of  vice  and  crime, 
defends  the  Evidently  the  sphere  of  law  is  two-fold; 
Ri  htt  ac^s  whi°h  endanger  the  common  life  of  the 

state  are  punished  by  the  state,  and  also  the 
individual  is  protected  in  the  exercise  of  certain  rights 
defined  by  the  state.  The  punishment  of  crime  clearly 
belongs  to  the  state,  for  it  requires  the  use  of  an  authority 
which  reaches  to  all  parts  of  society.  It  is  true  that 
when  the  state  has  not  protected  men  from  crime,  they 
have  devised  a  way  to  protect  themselves ;  the  system  of 
family  blood- vengeance  afforded  a  rude  means  of  protect- 
ing life  in  early  times,  and  the  trade  societies  of  Flanders 
and  Italy  are  an  example  of  the  same  ends  more  perfectly 
secured  in  mediaeval  periods  of  anarchy.  But  the  punish- 
ment of  crime  is  not  likely  to  pass  from  the  hands  of  the 
developed  state,  both  because  the  state  alone  is  really 
fitted  to  deal  with  crime,  and  because  crime  endangers 
the  common  life  which  finds  expression  in  the  state. 
Accordingly  we  find  that  the  state  not  only  provides 
machinery  for  determining  justice  and  punishing  the 


168  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

convicted  criminal,  but  it  also  establishes  an  elaborate 
police  system  to  secure  the  criminal,  and  in  the  person  of 
its  own  attorneys,  it  conducts  the  case  against  him.  This 
has  proved  to  be  the  only  effective  means  of  dealing  with 
those  who  utterly  refuse  to  regard  the  most  fundamental 
rules  of  common  life. 

The  attempt  has  been  made  to  limit  the  functions  of 
the  state  to  this  single  form  of  activity,  viz.,  care  for 
The  Preven-  internal  safety,  but  this  principle  does  not 
tion  of  furnish  the  simple  means  desired'  for  setting  a 
Crime.  right  limit  to  governmental  activity.  Care  for 

internal  safety  demands  something  more  than  the  punish- 
ment of  offences  already  committed ;  many  evils  may  be 
prevented  by  wise  precautions,  and  more  still  would  be 
prevented  if  the  state  could  develop  the  moral  character 
of  its  citizens  to  a  higher  stage.1  But  the  modern  state 
only  finds  it  wise  to  interfere  with  the  moral  training  of 
individuals,  in  the  case  of  young  persons  who  have  already 
been  convicted  of  crime ;  and  although  it  regulates  such 
matters  as  the  manufacture  and  use  of  dynamite,  the  ex- 
tension of  police  supervision  is  not  unreasonably  objected 
to  by  opponents  of  a  paternal  government. 

Besides  punishing  crime,  the  modern  state  protects  its 
citizens  in  the  exercise  of  certain  well-defined  rights.     It 
enforces   contracts   when    properly   made;    it 
Protects        affords  damages  for  accidents  and   for   other 
Citizens  in     injuries ;  it  permits  the  formation  of  corporate 
the  exercise   bodies  for  business  purposes,  and  defines  the 
rights  and  duties  of  these  societies ;  it  may 
even  lend  its  stamp  as  a  guarantee  that  goods 
come  up  to   a   particular   standard   of    excellence,  thus 
protecting  individuals  against  fraud.     All  these  various 
forms  of  activity  may  be  carried  on  by  private  associa- 
tions, and  some  of  them  seem  to  be  passing  out  of  the 
hands  of  the  government;  but  the  government  has  an 
advantage  over  other  forms  of  association,  in  that  it  can 
1  W.  v.  Huiuboldt ;  Gesam.  Werke,  VII.  p.  50  sqq. 


THE   STATE  AND  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.          169 

establish  universally  binding  rules,  and  can  act  through 
courts  which  command  universal  respect.  In  this 
manner  the  citizen  finds  through  the  state  security  of  life 
and  property,  and  liberty  in  the  exercise  of  his  rights. 
To  some  schools  of  thought,  government  has  seemed  to 
stand  in  the  way  of  the  liberty  proper  to  man,  but  it  has 
become  very  clear  that  true  liberty  is  a  different  thing 
from  the  right  to  act  without  reference  to  any  other  man. 
A  government  in  process  of  formation  may  seem  to  curtail 
individual  freedom;  but  the  right  to  be  protected  from 
the  incursions  of  other  states,  the  right  to  be  protected 
against  crime  and  against  unjust  interference  on  the  part 
of  any  man,  the  right  to  all  the  economic,  social,  and 
intellectual  privileges  of  civilised  society — these  are  civil 
rights  guaranteed  by  the  state.  And  as  the  sovereign 
state  passes  more  and  more  into  the  hands  of  the  people, 
as  the  individual  has  been  secured  against  interference  in 
wider  and  wider  spheres  of  action,  the  history  of  develop- 
ing government  has  been  the  history  of  growing  liberty. 

Even  if  the  state  does  not  go  beyond  the  most  limited 
sphere  of  activity,  it  renders  very  important  service  to  all 
the  other  modes  of  social  activity.  But  the 
state  in  '  m°dern  state  does,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  inter- 
relation to  fere  directly  to  favour  industry  and  even  to 
other  Modes  carry  on  some  forms  of  industry ;  the  separa- 

cta         tion   of   state   and   church   is   by   no   means 
Activity.  J 

universal;  and  the  control  of  education  has 
passed,  to  a  considerable  degree,  into  the  hands  of 
the  state.  If  the  present  tendency  toward  socialistic 
measures  should  continue,  direct  care  for  the  welfare 
of  each  citizen  would  come  to  be  the  most  important 
sphere  of  state-activity. 

l  The  state  ^he  economic  life  of  society  is  fundamental, 
and  and  common  political  life  is  not  likely  to  arise 

Economic       except  where  common  economic  interests  bind 
71  y'       men  together,    (chap.  vi.  p.   113.)      But  it  is 
equally  clear  that  industry  demands  the   protection  of 


i;o  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

the  state.  Peace  and  security  are  the  necessary  con- 
ditions of  industrial  development;  and  if  the  state  does 
not  provide  these,  industrial  associations  must  perform 
as  best  they  may  the  proper  function  of  the  state,  or  their 
existence  is  constantly  threatened.  Gradually  the  state 
has  assumed  the  important  function  of  defining  and 
giving  fixity  to  some  economic  institutions.  The  state- 
has  never  been  an  inventor  of  new  economic  forms,  but 
when  such  forms  or  institutions  have  arisen,  it  has  often 
preserved  them  and  given  them  such  definiteness  that  it 
could  protect  persons  in  the  use  of  them.  Thus  the 
forms  of  contract  grew  up  in  economic  intercourse,  but 
the  state  has  defined  a  legal  contract,  and  when  the 
contracting  parties  have  complied  with  the  law,  it  under- 
takes to  enforce  the  contract.  Money  was  used  long 
before  the  state  coined  gold  or  stamped  paper,  but  it 
was  soon  found  convenient  to  have  the  degree  of  fineness 
and  the  weight  of  a  piece  of  gold  authoritatively  deter- 
mined, and  this  the  state  undertook  to  do  at  an  early 
date.  In  similar  manner  the  state  has  benefited  com- 
merce by  giving  a  definiteness  and  sanction  to  banking 
institutions;  in  fact,  it  guards  the  rights  of  individual 
persons  and  the  welfare  of  the  community,  by  defining 
the  manner  in  which  any  sort  of  corporation  may  be 
formed,  and  the  legal  rights  and  responsibilities  of  such 
a  corporation.  The  state  has  invented  none  of  these 
things,  but  it  has  aided  economic  activity  by  giving 
definite  authoritative  form  to  various  economic  insti- 
tutions. 

It  is  an  open  question  how  far  the  state  should  di- 
rectly interfere  with  economic  matters.  Quite  generally 
D'r  t  Inter- ^  assumes  the  power  to  protect  inventors  by 
ference  with  granting  them  patents ;  and,  in  many  countries, 
Industry  by  it  uses  its  power  of  taxation  to  aid  some  forms 
the  state.  of  in(justry,  and  even  to  hinder  other  forms, 
which  it  regards  as  injurious.  All  modern  states  under- 
take the  transmission  of  mail  matter,  and  keep  important 


THE   STATE  AND  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.          171 

roadways  in  order;  many  states  go  farther,  and  control 
the  railways  and  the  telegraph.  "Public  works"  im- 
portant for  the  general  welfare,  such  as  the  dredging  of 
harbours,  surveys  of  land,  and  charts  of  the  shore,  are 
generally  undertaken  by  the  state.  And,  to-day,  the 
state  is  asked  to  go  farther  still,  and  to  become  an 
employer  of  labour  in  numerous  forms  of  industry.  It 
is  generally  agreed  that  the  state  is  society  as  exercising 
final  authority,  and  making  rules  which  bind  all  classes 
alike.  The  limits  of  direct  state  activity  in  the  economic 
sphere  will  be  determined  in  the  light  of  this  principle; 
where  final  authority  and  universal  rules  are  more  advan- 
tageous than  freedom  of  individual  initiative,  the  state 
should  assume  control.  Evidently  the  line  will  be  drawn 
differently  in  different  localities,  and  in  different  ages. 

In  its  relation  to  social  institutions,  particularly  to  the 
family,  the  state  has  much  the  same  office  as  in  relation 
2.  The  state  to  economic  institutions.  The  state  has  grown 
and  the  up  along  with  the  family,  and  has  always 
Family.  recognised  its  validity.  In  modern  times,  by 
making  marriage  a  civil  as  well  as  a  religious  institution, 
it  has  given  the  family  a  definite  status  before  the  law. 
At  the  same  time,  it  has  defined  the  legal  rights  and 
duties  of  the  members  of  the  family,  and  thus  has  helped 
to  make  the  relations  in  the  family  more  definite  and 
more  permanent.  At  times  the  state  has  given  its  sanc- 
tion to  other  social  institutions,  and,  in  a  measure,  it  still 
recognises  rank  in  some  countries.  These  institutions  are 
not  invented  by  the  state,  but  the  state  may  define  them 
and  give  them  permanent  form. 

The  relation  of  the  state  to  the  intellectual 
and  Higher  ^e  °^  society  has  varied  greatly  at  different 
Social  times.  Undoubtedly  the  state  derives  some 

Activities,  advantage  from  uniformity  of  language,  opinion, 
(a)  uca-  an(j  beijgf.  an(j  m  ^  effoj-t  to  secure  this, 
tion. 

the   liberty  of   the  press  has  been   curtailed, 

universities  have  been  brought  under  a  dominant  central 


172  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

influence,  as  in  France,  and  schools  have  been  made 
instruments  for  securing  intellectual  uniformity,  as 
in  Alsace-Lorraine.  The  obstacles  which  any  forcible 
effort  for  uniformity  places  in  the  way  of  a  vigorous  and 
growing  intellectual  life  are  so  effective,  that  modern 
governments  have  been  less  and  less  inclined  to  interfere 
with  the  free  expression  of  thought.  Even  the  uni- 
versities under  direct  government  control  have  secured 
a  large  degree  of  freedom.  Along  with  this  increase  in 
intellectual  liberty,  another  force  has  been  at  work 
impelling  governments  to  bring  the  matter  of  education 
under  more  direct  supervision.  The  modern  state  is 
democratic,  and  even  as  a  matter  of  self-defence  it  is 
really  compelled  to  educate  its  voters.  In  spite  of  many 
disadvantages,  compulsory  education,  controlled  by  the 
state,  has  come  to  be  the  rule,  and  every  child  is  com- 
pelled to  do  a  certain  amount  of  school-work. 

It  is  clear  again  that  it  is  of  the  utmost  importance 
to  the  modern  state  to  have  citizens  of  strong  moral 
(6)  The  state  character.  The  presence  of  the  morally  weak 
and  Moral  and  the  morally  depraved  is  a  constant  menace 
Iife-  to  the  state's  existence.  But  moral  character 

is  not  to  be  created  by  force,  and  any  interference  with 
morals  on  the  part  of  authority  is  likely  to  sap  the 
springs  of  character  without  accomplishing  any  but  a 
temporary  success.  The  moral  and  religious  state  of  a 
Savonarola  or  a  Calvin  shows  the  utter  futility  of  the 
effort  to  make,  men  moral.  The-  modern  state  has  found  it 
possible  to  remove  some  temptations  to  vice  by  forbidding 
the  circulation  of  impure  literature,  by  limiting  the  sale 
of  intoxicating  liquors,  and  (in  America)  by  forbidding 
organisations  which  encourage  gambling.  More  than  this 
can  hardly  be  accomplished  by  the  use  of  authority,  i.e. 
by  the  state. 

The  question  of  the  relation  of  state  and  church  has 
never  been  settled.  Ever  since  the  political  and  the 
religious  organisations  of  society  became  distinct  in  form, 


THE  STATE  AND  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY.          173 

they  have  retained  a  close  connection,  and  in  European 
(c)  The  State  countries  this  connection  still  continues.  It 
and  the  is  urged  in  its  favour  that  if  religious  beliefs 
Church.  are  £rue^  {.^gy  are  a  most  important  concern 

of  the  state,  that  the  nation  should  fittingly  appear 
before  God  in  a  national  church,  that  the  religious  side 
of  life  cannot  be  so  separated  from  the  rest  of  life  as  to 
remove  it  entirely  from  the  proper  sphere  of  govern- 
ment. On  the  other  hand  it  is  evident  that  there  can  be 
but  one  final  authority  in  external  matters,  that  the  use 
of  authority  in  matters  of  religion  helps  to  make  religion 
formal  and  perfunctory,  that  the  religious  liberty  for 
which  so  many  have  died,  is  not  lightly  to  be  thrown 
away. 

The  question  as  to  the  proper  limits  of  government 
activity  is  one  of  the  most  important  questions  of   the 

day.     It  is  the  old  question  as  to  the  proper 
Conclusion.  ~*  .  r 

extent  or  external,  authority  which  was  at  stake 

in  the  formation  of  the  Protestant  church,  and  in  the  war 
for  the  independence  of  the  American  colonies,  as  in  so 
many  contests  before  and  since.  The  problem  belongs 
to  practical  politics,  but  it  receives  more  definite  form 
from  the  general  consent  as  to  what  the  state  is,  viz.,  the 
organ  of  final  authority,  controlling  all  individuals  within 
its  territory. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  INDIVIDUAL  FKOM  THE   STANDPOINT   OF  SOCIOLOGY. 

THEORIES  of  social  organisation  have  taken  very  different 
views  of  the  units  out  of  which  society  is  composed,  and 
these  differences  have  been  reflected  in  the 
the  i"d' -  opinions  of  social  reformers.  Roughly  speaking, 
vidual  versus  theoretical  and  practical  thinkers  are  divided 

the  Welfare  int0   two    opposing    camps   on    the   question 

of  the  Social      ,,,         ,,  ,.    P,      ,  ,  .  , 

Group  whether  the  individual  or  the  social  group  is 

the  true  unit  for  the  sake  of  which  society 
exists.  This  contest  between  the  individualists  and  the 
socialists,  as  they  would  term  themselves,  is  not  limited 
to  economic  and  political  relations,  but  runs  through  the 
whole  field  of  social  activities.  Moreover,  the  problem  is 
twofold,  although  the  two  parts  are  intimately  related. 
On  the  one  hand  is  the  question  of  fact,  whether  from 
the  scientific  standpoint  the  individual  or  the  group  is  the 
bearer  of  culture  and  the  true  unit  of  society ;  on  the 
other  hand  is  the  question  of  worth,  whether  the  indi- 
vidual or  the  social  whole  has  ultimate  value,  and  which 
should  be  developed  at  the  expense  of  the  other  in  case 
the  two  come  into  conflict. 

This  conflict  has  received  most  emphasis  in  the  economic 
sphere.  On  the  one  hand  is  the  individualism  of  the 
This  Conflict  orthodox  political  economy ;  the  unit  of 
in  the  differ-  economic  activity  is  the  economic  man,  ruled 
ent  Spheres  by  his  desire  for  wealth ;  the  competition  of 
'  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  is  exalted 
into  a  universal  law,  and  the  bitter  struggle  of  man  with 


THE  INDIVIDUAL.  175 

his  neighbour  is  made  the  basis  of  all  that  is  good  and  all 
that  is  just ;  the  doctrine  of  laissez-faire  represents  not 
only  a  present  truth,  but  also  an  ideal,  for  a  strong  society 
depends  on  the  strong  citizens  that  are  said  to  be  developed 
under  this  regime.  The  other  party  has  never  been 
entirely  unheard.  In  business  no  man  lives  to  himself, 
but  prosperity  or  adversity  overspreads  a  whole  nation  at 
once ;  confidence  is  at  the  basis  of  successful  business 
activity ;  employer  and  labourer  suffer  together ;  practi- 
cally, the  claim  is  made,  the  social  group  should  intervene 
to  protect *and  encourage  industry,  for  the  interest  of  the 
part  is  in  the  advancement  of  the  whole.  The  theory  of 
economic 'socialism  is  that  the  individual  is,  and  should 
be,  a  fraction  of  the  whole.  The  same  conflict  appears 
in  the  sphere  of  "social"  life  in  the  narrower  sense  of  the 
term.  There  is  the  comfortable  belief  in  a  sort  of  natural 
equilibrium,  such  that  each  man  eventually  finds  his  true 
associates ;  the  belief  that  men  are  very  different,  and 
that  the  differences  in  society  are  but  the  differences 
which  necessarily  exist  between  the  men  who  enter  into 
society ;  the  belief  that  the  social  world  is,  and  that  any 
attempt  to  make  it  better  by  wholesale,  will  be  fraught 
with  grave  mischief.  In  opposition  to  this  is  the  cry  of 
the  sentimental  reformer  that  one  class  is  "grinding 
another  beneath  its  iron  heel,"  that  the  "  rich  "  will  suffer 
unless  they  condescend  to  help  the  "  poor,"  and  that  the 
"  poor "  have  an  inalienable  right  to  the  good  things  of 
this  life.  With  reference  to  the  intellectual  and  aesthetic 
life,  there  is  the  call  for  the  "  education  of  the  masses," 
and  over  against  it  the  belief  that  culture  is  won,  not 
imparted,  that  the  desire  for  knowledge  must  be  awakened 
in  the  individual  before  one  can  speak  of  educating  him. 
In  the  moral  and  religious  life  there  is  the  ideal  of  virtue 
and  of  holiness  which  applies  to  the  individual ;  the 
appeal  is  directed  to  the  individual  to  choose  a  right 
course  of  action,  and  to  develop  a  right  character  in 
himself.  There  is  also  the  ideal  of  self-sacrifice  and  love 


176  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY, 

which  bids  men  forget  themselves  in  the  service  of  others. 
Finally,  the  same  antithesis  appears  in  the  state.  Indi- 
vidualism says,  Eights  belong  to  those  who  can  win  them  ; 
property,  political  rights,  political  power,  fall  into  the 
hands  of  those  best  fitted  to  use  them ;  the  state  does 
exist  for  the  man,  and  ought  to.  And  there  is  a  social- 
istic doctrine  of  fraternity  and  equality  which  claims  to 
deal  with  classes  rather  than  with  men.  Here,  as  else- 
where, the  class  is  reached  by  neglecting  the  differences 
of  individuals ;  if  individuals  are  by  nature  alike  and 
equal,  it  should  be  the  function  of  the  state* to  realise 
this  likeness  and  equality  in  the  perverted  modern 
world. 

Adherents  of  both  these  views  are  accustomed  to 
appeal  to  history  in  support  of  their  opinions.  Christian 
The  Teaching^00  sts  anc^  Socialists  of  the  chair  in  Ger- 
ot  History  many  refer  to  early  Hebrew  institutions  as 
as  to  this  embodying  their  ideas ;  de  Laveleye  shows  how 
Antithesis.  fftr  we  haye  straye(j  from  tjle  tvpe  Of  jjfe 

found  in  the  early  Aryan  village  communities.  The 
individualist  responds  by  quoting  Sir  Henry  Maine's  law, 
"  from  status  to  contract,"  with  all  the  evidence  that  can 
be  brought  forward  in  its  favour.  But  if  one  is  ready  to 
lay  aside  the  spectacles  of  either  party,  two  truths  stand 
out  with  considerable  clearness,  (i)  The  earliest  achieve- 
ment of  the  human  race  was  the  development  of  social 
groups.  By  the  development  of  race  ties,  of  common 
interests,  and  of  centres  of  authority,  men  who  had  been 
separate  animals  became  united  in  human  groups.  The 
physical  subjugation  of  the  individual  to  the  power  of 
the  group  was,  of  course,  most  apparent  when  the 
patriarchal  family,  the  despotic  state,  and  the  despotic 
religious  community  seemed  to  obliterate  the  separateness 
of  men.  Yet  the  process  of  the  subordination  of  man's 
physical  self  to  the  life  of  the  community  did  not  stop 
here ;  the  great  eastern  despotisms  are  not  the  truest 
examples  of  such  subordination.  The  character  of  the 


THE  INDIVIDUAL.  177 

relation  has  indeed  changed — it  has  been  incorporated 
more  and  more  in  the  inner  life  of  the  individual ;  but 
men  have  never  before  been  so  dependent  on  society  as 
they  are  to-day.  (2)  History  is,  at  the  same  time,  the1 
record  of  the  growing  importance  of  the  members  of 
society,  until  to-day  all  the  stress  is  laid  on  the  individual 
as  the  intellectual  and  the  moral  element  of  society. 
This  process  has  been  far  from  regular,  but  it  has  grown 
clearer  with  each  advance  in  civilisation.  Beyond  a 
question,  the  individual's  psychical  life  has  never  had 
such  stimulus  to  broad  and  full  development  as  it  has 
to-day.  These  two  truths  explain  the  ease  with  which 
both  the  so-called  individualist  and  the  socialist  find  in 
history  the  proof  that  their  respective  opinions  are  correct. 
At  the  same  time  they  show  that  the  antithesis  between 
the  two  positions  is  falsely  drawn. 

The  preceding  chapters  have  indicated  with  clearness, 
I  hope,  the  solution  of  this  question  from  the  standpoint 
The  Group  of  a  scientific  sociology.  Culture,  civilisation, 
as  a  Social  are  primarily  the  property  of  the  social  group. 
Unitl  Language  and  science  develop  with  the  social 

mind,  and  exist  in  this  mind.  Political  life  is  the  life 
of  the  nation;  the  moral  code — and  the  enforcement  of 
it — is  a  possession  of  the  social  mind  and  a  mode  of 
its  activity.  Nor  are  the  differences  of  psychical  life 
primarily  differences  of  individuals,  but  rather  differences 
characterising  one  class  and  another.  When  changes 
occur — when  two  types  of  culture  are  thrown  in  contact 
with  each  other,  and  gradually  fused  into  a  new  whole — 
it  is  no  mere  figure  of  speech  which  expresses  this  as  the 
contact  of  two  groups ;  it  is  no  conflict  between  indi- 
viduals, nor  is  the  result  a  change  in  what  is  peculiar  to 
the  individual,  but  only  in  the  life  of  the  group  in  which 
they  are  included.  Sociology  teaches  us  that  the  group 
is  the  true  unit  of  social  life. 

This  account  of  the  position  of  the  social  group  is  but 
the  half  of  what  sociology  has  to  say  upon  this  question. 


i;8  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

Sociology  does  not  annihilate  the  individual;  rather  it 
The  Place  snows  that  individuality  is  something  more 
of  the  than  physical  separateness.  As  a  member  of 

Individual  society  man  develops  a  psychical  personality, 
siety.  an(j  ^g  scjence  of  society  has  to  study  man 
as  a  person.  The  great  difficulty  with  socialism,  as 
ordinarily  stated,  and,  indeed,  with  the  "social  organ- 
ism" theory,  is  that  it  neglects  this  most  important 
side  of  sociology.  There  is  a  social  mind,  but  the 
social  brain  is  a  figment  of  the  imagination;  the  in- 
dividual is  the  centre  of  consciousness,  and  the  centre 
of  will.  The  individual's  needs  and  emotions  are  the 
stimuli  to  social  activity;  through  his  mind  the  social 
ideals  become  active  and  effective;  the  norms  of  ethics 
and  of  logic  are  social  rules  foi  the  man's  thought 
and  action.  The  psychical  life  of  the  class  is  not 
developed  apart  from  the  psychical  life  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  class — it  is  the  same  thing  regarded  from 
two  standpoints.  There  can  be  no  strong  and  well- 
developed  society  made  up  of  weak  men,  for  the  society 
is  nothing  but  the  psychical  life  of  its  members.  The 
individual  is  the  centre  of  activity:  this  means  that  all 
modifications  of  social  activity  are  operative  through  the 
individual,  that  progress  is  due  to  influences  acting  on 
the  individual,  and  retrogression  commences  as  soon  as 
the  individual  ceases  to  feel  the  influence  of  higher 
motives  and  impulses.  Even  when  a  reform  pretends 
to  deal  with  whole  classes  at  a  time,  it  only  accomplishes 
this  by  bringing  influences  to  bear  at  once  on  all  the 
particular  members  of  these  classes.  The  individual  is 
the  centre  of  consciousness :  this  means  that  all  intellectual 
advance  takes  place  through  personal  leaders.  Truth  is 
a  social  possession,  but  new  truth  comes  through  indi- 
vidual leaders  of  thought ;  ideals  affect  all  the  members 
of  a  class,  but  it  is  the  moral  or  religious  leader  who  has 
the  insight  to  see  the  needs  of  his  age,  and  the  way  those 
needs  may  be  met. 


THE  INDIVIDUAL.  179 

The  study  of  sociology,  as  well  as  the  study  of  history, 

suggest  that  the  antithesis  between  the  group  and  the 

individual  is  but  partial,  and  has  been  falsely 

,  e.  ni~      stated.     Both  lines  of  study  make  it  evident 

tween  the      that  personality  and  dependence  on  a  personal 

Individual     environment  develop  together  pari  passu — in 

and  the         other  words,  that  they  are  one  and  the  same 

Group  is  ^    .  . 

False  thing  essentially,     llie  individualistic  and  the 

socialistic  theories  are  alike  false,  because  both 
are  built  upon  a  false  antithesis.  The  great  truth  which 
needs  to  be  emphasised  to-day  is  the  fact  that  personality 
is  the  product  of  social  life,  and  cannot  exist  apart  from 
social  life;  the  fact  that  each  advance  in  psychical  life 
and  psychical  power  means  a  new  dependence  on  one's 
personal  environment.  Life  as  a  man,  the  very  power  to 
be  an  individual  person,  lies  in  the  relation  to  this 
personal  environment.  As  to  the  question  of  fact,  both 
the  individual  and  the  group  are  social  units,  although 
the  relations  of  each  to  the  larger  whole  are  so  different 
that  they  are  not  in  any  sense  homogeneous  units.  As 
to  the  question  of  worth,  neither  group  nor  individual  has 
worth  by  itself  (strictly  speaking,  neither  exists  by  itself); 
it  is  the  individual  in  society,  the  person  or  the  group  as 
the  bearer  of  this  psychical  life,  to  which  this  concept 
of  worth  may  properly  be  applied.1 

The  thought  that  psychical  power  lies  in  a  developed 
psychical     relationship    with    a    personal    environment, 

demands  some  farther  illustration.  Perhaps 
Power  the  most  familiar  example  of  this  truth  is  to 

involves  be  found  in  the  relation  of  the  individual  to 
Dependence  the  gtate<  The  fa^Qt  may  deman(i  anything 
on  Society.  .....  . 

of    his    subject    (in    theory) ;    in   practice   he 

receives  little  from  him,  and  at  most  all  he  does  for  the 
subject  is  to  protect  him  from  the  incursions  of  other 
nations.  The  development  of  the  state  has  been  a  story 
of  increasing  dependence  of  the  citizen  on  the  state  for 
1  Of,  T.  H.  Green,  Prolegomena  to  Ethics,  p.  200,  p.  351. 


i8o  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

protection  of  life  and  of  those  habits  of  life  which  one 
may  choose  without  interfering  with  the  rights  of  others, 
for  the  protection  of  property,  and  of  all  the  other  insti- 
tutions of  modern  life.  This  growing  dependence  has 
meant  a  liberty  constantly  larger,  for  political  liberty  is 
not  typified  by  the  hermit's  life,  but  rather  by  the  power 
to  act  out  one's  purposes  in  concert  with  others.  Liberty 
under  authority  is  a  truism,  but  its  truth  has  too  often 
been  forgotten.  True  political  freedom  is  the  highest 
type  of  political  dependence. 

In  a  similar  way  every  institution  means  a  new 
dependence  of  the  individual  upon  society.  Take  for 
Institutions  example  the  institution  of  money.  A  cannot 
as  a  Source  expect  B  to  accept  the  proper  amount  of  his 
of  Power.  wheat  in  payment  for  the  manufactured  goods 
that  A  needs ;  B  wants  tokens  with  stamps  of  the  Govern- 
ment on  them  to  the  effect  that  they  are  legal  tender,  and 
nothing  else.  Both  A  and  B  depend  on  society  for  a 
particular  medium  of  exchange.  Farther,  there  are 
special  institutions  which  deal  in  this  special  ware  of 
money ;  and  those  who  desire  can  depend  on  the  banks  to 
handle  much  of  this  commodity  in  their  behalf.  Con- 
nected with  them  are  still  other  institutions  on  which  the 
individual  is  obliged  to  depend,  to  the  rules  of  which  he 
is  obliged  to  conform,  if  he  is  to  engage  in  business  in 
modern  society.  Each  of  these  complex  institutions  arose 
and  exists  to-day,  because  the  individual  has  found  he  has 
greater  power  when  he  depends  on  them.  He  depends 
on  society  for  money,  it  may  increase  the  range  of  busi- 
ness he  controls  a  thousandfold ;  he  learns  to  depend  on 
the  banks,  space  no  longer  hinders  him  from  paying  for 
goods  in  Berlin  as  easily  as  in  New  York,  and  time  no 
longer  obliges  him  to  wait  till  he  can  himself  accumulate 
capital  for  his  increasing  business.  .  The  individual's 
power  increases  as  he  learus  to  depend  more  completely 
on  more  perfect  institutions. 


THE  INDIVIDUAL.  181 

This  same  principle,  that  power  lies  in  a  true  subjection 
to  society,  lies  at  the  basis  of  much  of  what  we  call 
Education  education.  The  school  brings  the  child's  mind 
Proceeds  into  sympathy  with  the  civilisation  of  his  age, 
on  this  au(}  subordinates  it  to  the  norms  of  this  civili- 
sation. In  language,  in  natural  science,  in 
mathematics,  it  bids  the  child  accept  the  habits  and 
views  of  this  our  nineteenth  century,  because  it  is 
through  this  living  connection  with  the  psychical  world 
in  which  he  lives  that  he  may  expect  power,  and  by 
no  other  course  can  he  expect  it.  Psychical  life  is 
developed  by  developing  dependence  on  the  psychical 
environment. 

The  same  error,  which  has  appeared  in  the  antithesis 
of  the  individual  and  the  group,  appears  also  in  the 
antithesis  between  egoism  and  altruism,  which 
11  recent  writers  have  emphasised  until  it  is 


false.  A  dilemma  is  proposed  :  Men  are 
either  seeking  their  own  good,  or  the  good  of  some  one 
else,  and  on  this  basis  men  are  parcelled  out  more  or 
less  fortuitously  into  two  opposing  groups.  That  this 
is  pure  abstraction  is  evident  at  a  glance,  for  no  one  can 
entirely  forget  other  people  in  his  so-called  egoism,  nor 
does  the  altruist  live  without  the  least  reference  to 
himself.  In  business,  in  political  or  in  intellectual 
pursuits,  men  are  living  the  life  that  is  consonant  with 
their  nature  and  environment.  They  are  governed,  not  by 
simple  self-interest  (if  there  be  any  such  thing),  but  by 
the  varied  interests  which  have  entered  into  their  lives 
through  a  contact  with  various  types  of  society.  There 
is  a  sort  of  egoism  in  the  child  or  in  the  savage  who 
yields  to  each  animal  passion,  because  as  yet  no  real 
humanity  has  been  developed  in  him  ;  and  that  man 
may  be  called  an  egoist,  whose  semi-human  desires  have 
been  made  keener  and  stronger  by  contact  with  social 
life,  while  he  himself  has  not  taken  up  that  truly 
human  life  into  himself.  In  like  manner  there  is  an 


i82  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

altruism  of  the  child  or  savage — or  animal — whose  action 
is  guided  by  a  social  impulse  to  aid  his  companion  as 
easily  as  by  appetite  or  passion ;  and  there,  is  an  altruism 
of  the  man  whose  sympathy  with  others  has  been 
developed  in  society  rather  at  the  expense  of  the  full 
personality  which  is  his  right  and  his  duty  as  a  member 
of  society.  Still,  it  is  entirely  false  to  regard  egoism  and 
altruism  as  opposed  ethical  ideals.  What  the  philosopher 
means  by  altruism  as  an  ideal  is  ordinarily  just  that 
development  of  truly  human  life,  of  personality,  in  the 
man  which  distinguishes  the  psychical  man  from  the 
animal  man.  The  ideal  is  really  the  development  of 
personality  and  not  self-negation. 

While  the  primary  object  of  sociological  study  is  the 
life  of  the  social  group,  it  is  necessary,  even  in  order  to 
attain  this  end,  to  form  a  clear  conception 
°^  ^ne  ^dividual  an(l  hig  place  in  society. 
Expression  of  To  the  question  What  is  a  person  ?  the  first 
the  Group-  an(j  simplest  answer  from  this  standpoint  is 
that  the  individual  person  is  the  concrete 
expression  of  the  life  of  the  group.  The  group  is  the 
bearer  of  culture,  but  this  is  not  the  culture  of  the  group ; 
it  is  the  men,  members  of  the  group,  to  whom  this  culture 
applies.  So  far  is  this  the  case  that  in  attempting  to 
analyse  the  social  mind,  the  only  practical  course  has 
been  to  follow  the  general  divisions  of  the  psychology 
of  the  individual  mind.  The  person  is  the  concrete 
expression  of  this  psychical  life.  The  name  does  not 
apply  to  the  animal  man.  Animals  are  separate.  A  man 
as  he  develops  psychical  life  in  society  becomes  a  person. 
Truth  becomes  a  power  controlling  his  intellectual  life; 
righteousness  is  the  norm  of  an  incipient  moral  life ;  he 
receives  eyes  to  behold  the  beautiful.  Still  a  part  of 
nature,  it  is  none  the  less  true  to  say  that  he  rises  above 
nature  and  the  natural ;  he  becomes  lord  of  nature  as  he 
becomes  lord  of  himself.  He  becomes  a  person,  and  the 
conception  of  worth  arises  to  express  the  difference 


THE  INDIVIDUAL.  183 

between  this  new  phenomenon  and  the  rest  of  nature. 
This  psychical  life  is  a  process,  not  a  stationary  fact ;  it 
is  ever  growing  in  power  and  in  complexity,  so  personality 
stands  out  with  increasing  clearness  against  the  rest  of 
nature,  and  becomes  a  more  and  more  precious  possession, 
as  it  expresses  a  higher  psychical  life. 

The  imperfection  of  this  statement  of  the  case  is  evident 
at  a  glance,  and  yet  it  is  about  all  that  sociology  has  had 
The  Element  ^°  Sa7  with  reference  to  the  individual  person, 
of  Individu-  It  is  very  well  to  glorify  personality,  and  the 
ahty  in  worth  of  personality  ;  but,  one  cannot  help 

asking,  does  this  worth  really  lie  in  sharing 
the  life  of  other  people,  and  in  nothing  else  ?  Persons 
are  first  individuals,  and  we  are  wont  to  prize  rather 
highly  this  difference  from  everybody  else.  In  reality 
this  is  only  an  antithesis  between  partial  knowledge  as  to 
the  meaning  of  dependence  on  society,  and  a  partially 
developed  feeling  of  the  value  of  individuality :  a  clue  to 
its  solution  is  at  hand  in  the  fact  that  the  individual  is  a 
member  of  numerous  social  groups.  He  never  expresses 
the  life  of  any  single  group  perfectly,  for  the  very  reason 
that  he  is  more  than  a  member  of  this  group.  Pride  in 
being  different  from  other  people  is  a  very  empty  matter 
indeed,  unless  this  difference  consists  in  sharing  some 
element  of  psychical  life  not  so  fully  shared  by  one's 
companions.  Differentiated  personalities  are  the  counter- 
part of  differentiated  society ;  each  presupposes  the  other, 
for  they  are  but  two  sides  of  the  same  thing. 

The  simplest  evidence  in  favour  of  this  account  of 
individual  personality  is  to  be  found  in  the  familiar  fact 

that,  as  a  matter  of  history,  the  differentiation 
ality  of  °f  individuals  does  keep  pace  with  the  growing 
Persons  and  complexity  of  social  life.  When  the  scientific 
Complexity  imagination  constructs  out  of  the  materials  at 
16  y'  hand  a  picture  of  the  earliest  social  group  it 
is  obliged  to  think  of  this  group  as  theoretically  homo- 
geneous. If  it  is  really  a  human  group,  a  degree  of 


1 84  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

psychical  life  is  present ;  this,  however,  is  shared  by  all, 
and  the  only  difference  between  these  incipient  persons 
will  be  at  bottom  a  physical  difference.  The  history  of 
progress  is  a  story  of  differentiation  of  function,  and 
corresponding  differentiation  of  social  groups.  The 
subjugation  of  a  second  group  introduces  a  difference 
of  rank ;  the  separation  between  the  inner  family  and 
the  larger  family  or  tribe  is  the  germ  of  i  twofold 
position  of  each  individual  in  society.  As  soon  as 
church'  and  state,  religious  and  political  life  are  in  any 
degree  distinct,  another  mode  of  activity  becomes  to  this 
degree  independent,  and  the  individual  may  take  his 
place  in  a  new  set  of  institutions.  So  long  as  each 
social  class  enters,  as  a  whole,  into  the  new  forms  of  social 
activity,  the  only  perceptible  change  may  be  a  tightening 
of  the  bonds  which  unite  this  class.  Historically,  it  is 
not  always  easy  to  determine  the  causes  which  led  to  the 
overthrow  of  these  classes,  nor  is  the  process  by  any 
means  complete.  Sometimes  the  prolonged  conflict  of 
parties  or  states  that  were  nearly  equal  in  strength  has 
led  to  a  dissolution  and  recrystallisation  of  political 
forces;  sometimes  a  new  force  seems  to  be  introduced 
into  the  social  world,  as  when  new  machinery  and  new 
sources  of  power  were  applied  to  the  textile  industries  a 
century  ago,  and  in  the  face  of  this  new  fact  old  classes 
give  way,  and  new  ones  are  formed.  In  one  way  and 
another  the  separation  of  the  different  modes  of  social 
activity  becomes  real,  and  not  merely  formal ,  new  insti- 
tutions and  distinct  classes  arise  in  each  separate  mode, 
and  individual  persons  can  no  longer  be  alike,  because  no 
one  occupies  exactly  the  same  position  as  any  other  in  the 
social  world.  A  comparison  of  different  countries  shows 
at  a  glance  that  members  of  a  given  class  differ  most 
widely  where  the  various  modes  of  social  activity  are 
most  widely  differentiated ;  they  differ  less  and  less  in 
the  lower  stages  of  civilisation  now  known  to  us,  where 
the  modes  of  activity  are  not  clearly  distinguished. 


THE  INDIVIDUAL.  185 

If  the  phenomenon  of  individuality  is  connected  with 
the  separation  of  the  modes  of  social  activity,  it  is 
The  Com-  important  to  notice  the  form  in  which  this 
piexity  of  separation  arises.  When  the  separation  is 
Society.  rea^  an(j  noj.  mereiy  formal,  each  mode  of 

activity  gives  rise  to  a  distinct  class  of  men  who  are 
bound  together  by  their  common  function.  The 
groups  of  men  engaged  in  different  functions  cross  and 
recross ;  to-day  they  are  rarely  identical  in  any  two  cases. 
It  would  be  absurd  enough  to  regard  such  complexity  of 
society  as  an  end  in  itself.  Still,  it  is  evident  that  the 
richness  of  society  must  depend  in  large  measure  on  the 
number  of  these  groups,  each  the  bearer  of  a  distinct 
psychical  life,  which  intersect  each  other.  The  inter- 
action of  these  types  of  culture  broadens  each  one  and 
stimulates  its  development.  In  this  atmosphere  indi- 
viduality and  personality  arise  together. 

Individual  personality  corresponds  to  peculiarity  of 
environment.  The  groups  engaged  in  different  functions, 
individuality  which  cross  and  recross,  cross  in  the  person 
of  Environ-  of  an  individual.  The  same  man  is  in  one 
group  from  the  standpoint  of  production,  in 
another  from  that  of  consumption.  His  intellectual, 
religious,  political  life,  differs  in  important  particulars 
from  that  of  any  one  of  his  companions  in  the  factory ; 
and  the  first  reason  is  that  he  belongs  to  intellectual  and 
political  groups  more  or  less  different  from  those  to  which 
they  may  belong.  His  present  and  his  past  environment 
is  peculiar  to  himself;  his  life  as  a  psychical  person  is  even 
more  individual  than  his  life  as  a  human  animal, because  to- 
day his  psychical  environment  is  so  different  from  that  of 
any  one  else.  The  individualism  of  the  present  generation 
means  just  this,  that  no  man  is  bound  by  the  traditions 
of  any  one  class,  but  that  influences  from  widely  diver- 
gent sources  unite  to  make  him  what  he  is.  To-day  the 
walls  which  have  separated  different  civilisations  have 
been  broken  down.  There  is  but  one  psychical  world, 


i86  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

and  its  parts  are  so  intimately  connected  that  the  results 
of  a  very  local  change  are  felt  in  distant  parts.  Tracing 
out  the  forces  of  history.,  each  thinker  is  led  to  believe 
that  all  those  forces  converge  upon  himself.  In  fact  this 
is  coming  to  be  in  large  measure  true.  The  widening 
currents  of  psychical  life  are  bringing  each  a  more 
definite  and  more  distinct  influence  on  persons,  and,  in 
consequence,  individual  characteristics  are  developed  with 
increasing  clearness.  Persons  cannot  be  alike,  for  no  two 
have  the  same  environment. 

In  this  individual  environment  individual  personality 
is  of  necessity  developed.  And  yet  this  is  a  very 
The  defective  statement  of  the  case,  for  environ- 

Individual  ment  is  a  biological  metaphor,  and  it  intro- 
Personahty.  ^uces  perhaps  as  much  error  as  truth  into 
the  present  discussion.  Properly  speaking,  the  person  is 
not  "  environed "  by  psychical  life ;  his  very  personality 
consists  in  sharing  the  psychical  life  of  the  community. 
Psychical  forces  may,  indeed,  affect  him  as  external 
influences,  but  the  development  of  personal  individuality 
is  due  not  so  much  to  such  external  influences  as  to 
the  forces  which  reveal  themselves  through  the  indi- 
vidual as  the  centre  of  consciousness  and  of  activity. 
It  is  the  glory  of  personality  that  the  psychical  life 
of  the  past  and  of  the  present  finds  its  true  and 
adequate  expression  through  the  individual,  and  may 
be  advanced  to  a  higher  degree  of  perfection  through 
him.  History,  it  was  said  truly,  finds  its  goal  in  each 
person.  This  does  not  mean  that  all  men  will  possess 
the  same  degree  of  psychical  life  and  power.  Necessarily, 
the  life  of  the  past  and  of  the  present,  in  making  men 
different,  will  furnish  some  with  peculiar  richness  and 
power.  Such  men  can  go  forward  only  in  the  spirit 
of  their  age,  but  a  unique  development  of  intellectual 
and  spiritual  power  enables  them  to  advance  far  beyond 
their  fellows.  Such  is  individual  personality  from  the 
standpoint  of  sociology :  the  psychical  life  of  the  ages 


THE  INDIVIDUAL.  187 

coming   to  expression  in  the  individual  centre  of  con- 
sciousness and  of  activity. 

A  reference  to  the  share  of  the  individual  in  social 
progress  will  make  a  fitting  link  between  the  first  and 
Tte  the  second  parts  of  the  present  discussion. 

Individual  The  art  of  history -writing  has  largely  dealt 
and  Social  ^n  discussion  of  the  principal  characters,  to 
whose  influence  the  rise  or  downfall  of 
nations  and  their  culture  are  attributed.  We  seem 
to  see  progress  starting  from  individuals  as  centres, 
and  gradually  extending  through  the  masses  of  the 
people.  Eeal  changes  in  the  life  of  a  people  may  often 
be  overlooked  by  those  whose  interest  is  absorbed  by 
the  quarrels  of  kings;  leaders  of  new  movements  may 
attract  our  attention  away  from  the  life  which  produced 
such  leaders ;  the  truth  of  the  common  position  still 
holds  good.  Progress  does  proceed  from  individuals. 
The  age  produces  a  better  man,  and  he  makes  a  new 
age.  The  first  part  of  the  process  is  what  has  just 
been  described  in  the  preceding  paragraph.  Psychical 
forces  of  the  past  and  of  the  present  centre  upon  an  in- 
dividual, and  he  is  endowed  with  the  qualities  of  a  leader. 
New  truth  opens  to  his  keener  vision;  new  possibilities 
of  life  appear  in  response  to  his  quick  sympathies  and 
pure  ideals.  Looking  back,  we  say  of  him :  He  lived 
before  his  time.  Such  leaders  are  the  statesmen  who 
see  a  broader  political  life  as  possible  for  the  state,  and 
who  have  the  courage  to  strive  for  this  ideal.  To  such 
men  are  due  lasting  reforms  in  religion  and  morals. 
Progress  in  science  and  philosophy  lies  in  their  hands. 
They  are  the  true  prophets,  stoned  probably  by  their 
own  age,  because  they  were  not  content  with  it,  honoured 
by  the  later  ages  to  which,  in  spirit,  they  belonged. 
The  other  half  of  progress  is  from  such  centres  outward. 
The  power  of  a  large  personality,  the  truth  and  the 
sympathy  which  such  a  personality  brings  with  it,  win 
adherents ;  new  social  activities  and  a  new  class  centre 


188  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

about  such  a  prophet.  Great  men  cannot  be  made,  but 
their  lessons  can  be  taught,  and  for  this  second  half  of 
progress,  for  education,  each  age  may  hold  itself  re- 
sponsible. It  is  the  task  of  education  to  communicate, 
not  merely  the  truth  as  cold  fact,  but  also  the  psychical 
life  in  which  truth  and  the  ideal  are  realised.  By  such 
education  the  fruits  of  progress  are  diffused,  and  the 
seed  is  sown  for  still  farther  advance  in  the  future. 


CHAPTER  XL 

EXTERNAL  DESCRIPTION  OF  SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENT. 

THE  first  work  of  sociology  is  to  make  an  analysis  of 
social  life  as  it  exists  to-day,  in  order  to  ascertain  the 
Part  II.  factors  entering  into  this  life,  as  well  as  the 
Social  laws  governing  the  relation  of  these  factors ; 

Development,  j^t  in  the  effort  to  accomplish  this,  our  atten- 
tion has  constantly  been  turned  to  the  process  by  which 
these  factors  and  these  laws  arose.  While  it  has  thus 
been  impossible  to  draw  any  sharp  line  between  the  two 
parts  of  the  study  of  society,  the  general  description  of 
social  development  and  the  more  detailed  examination  of 
the  processes  of  development  have  been  postponed  until 
the  discussion  of  existing  social  life  had  been  completed. 
The  present  chapter,  which  aims  to  give  an  external 
account  of  social  development,  falls  into  two  divisions : 
(a)  the  continuity  of  social  development,  and  (b)  the 
unification  of  social  life,  attended  by  differentiation  of 
the  social  elements. 

A.    The  Continuity  of  Social  Life. 

From  the  physical  standpoint  all  nature  is  a  single 
multiform  process  which  may  be  explained  in  terms  of 
Continuity  the  universal  laws  of  mechanics.  The  present 
from  the  is  the  outcome  of  the  past  and  the  source  of 
Physical  the  future,  because  each  present  is  but  a 

an  point.  skac[iuin  arbitrarily  fixed  in  the  single  process 
which  we  know  as  the  world.  Human  life  is  one  part  of 

189 


190  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

this  process.  After  this  part  has  been  isolated  from  the 
rest,  it  still  has  a  physical  continuity  and  a  physical 
unity,  for  each  human  being  is  a  child  and  may  become  a 
parent,  and  it  is  only  necessary  to  follow  this  thread  back 
or  forward  a  little  way,  in  order  to  see  that  the  individual 
is  linked  with  an  indefinite  number  of  others.1  But  while 
the  continuity  of  social  life  presupposes  this  physical 
basis,  it  is  by  no  means  identical  with  the  continuity  of 
the  human  race.  It  is  rather  a  series  of  processes,  each 
continuous,  which  may  have  had  various  beginnings,  and 
which  are  only  gradually  being  blended  into  one.  Again, 
the  physical  unity  of  a  race  is  largely  due  to  a  brief 
connection  of  children  with  parents,  so  that  most  of  the 
race  become  quite  independent  of  each  other.  The  bond 
which  unites  the  members  of  a  society  in  their  common 
life  is  never  severed,  and  the  broken  process  of  changing 
human  lives  does  not  prevent  the  real  continuity  of  social 
life. 

It  is  an  old  saying  that  the  king  never  dies,  which 
means  nothing  more  or  less  than  that  the  nation  does  not 

.die.     Citizens  change,  but  the  state  lives  on. 
Continuity  of  c  . 

Social  Life  and  the  change  of  those  who  compose  it  is  the 
and  Social  very  principle  of  its  progressive  development. 
Groups.  rpjie  nat,ion's  vigour  may  degenerate,  its  culture 
may  be  absorbed  into  that  of  a  more  powerful  people — its 
life  receives  a  new  form,  but  it  does  not  die.  After  the 
most  complete  destruction  which  we  can  conceive,  the 
influence  of  the  state  that  has  been  destroyed  can  still 
be  traced  in  a  transformation  of  the  forces  that  survive. 
It  is  doubtless  part  of  the  mythology  which  has  been 
suggested  by  the  phrase  "  social  organism,"  when  we  are 
told  that  the  social  group  is  born,  grows  up,  and  at  length 
decays  and  dies.  But  the  simple  fact  that  the  present  is 
the  product  of  the  past  in  the  psychical  world  as  in  the 
physical  world,  is  the  key  to  an  understanding  of  past 
progress  and  a  basis  for  judging  present  movements. 
1  Dumont,  Depopulation  et  Civilisation,  p.  391,  sqq. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENT.     191 

The  continuity  of  social  life  manifests  itself  first  in  the 
continuity  of  social  institutions.  Psychical  life  depends 
Continuity  on  institutions  as  a  sort  of  skeleton  or  frame- 
of  institu-  work,  and  it  is  no  more  possible  to  produce 
tions.  these  all  at  once,  and  from  outside,  than  to 

make  the  body  of  an  animal.  They  are  the  product  of  a 
course  of  development,  and  they  serve  their  purpose  only 
because  they  have  gradually  acquired  a  considerable 
degree  of  resistance  to  change.  This  framework  for  the 
higher  life  to-day  is  an  inheritance;  the  continuity  of 
institutions  is  the  basis  of  advancement.  The  fact  that 
institutions  continue  from  age  to  age  may  be  illustrated 
in  any  sphere  of  life.  In  the  religious  life,  the  object 
with  which  one  age  and  people  has  associated  the  idea  of 
God,  continues  to  be  divine  for  the  succeeding  age;  the 
place  where  God  has  appeared  is  the  place  where  he 
may  be  expected  to  appear;  sacrifice  and  other  forms  of 
cultus  owe  their  sanctity  and  potency  to  an  accumulated 
reverence — they  are  the  approved  ways  of  seeking  the 
gods ;  the  priest  is  a  sacred  man,  because  his  predecessors 
have  acquired  the  power  or  the  right  to  stand  between 
the  people  and  their  god ;  religious  authority  is  simply 
the  habit  of  obedience  passed  on  from  generation  to  gene- 
ration, till  it  has  entered  into  the  life  of  the  people.  The 
economic  institutions  of  property,  of  money,  of  banks  and 
factories,  are  the  product  of  the  experience  of  many  ages ; 
they  possess  a  recognised  authority,  and  they  serve  their 
purpose  as  the  framework  of  economic  life,  because  they 
have  their  sources  in  the  distant  past,  and  can  be  modified 
only  gradually.  Language  is  such  an  institution  that  is 
not  made,  but  grows — such  are  the  methods  and  prin- 
ciples of  science,  and  the  ideals  of  the  moral  life ;  they 
live  on  from  age  to  age,  and  the  power  which  they  acquire 
is  based  on  their  continuity.  The  state  and  the  family 
are  institutions  that  have  very  slowly  shaped  themselves 
in  the  life  of  the  race;  the  authority  and  the  freedom 
which  each  makes  possible  are  no  modern  acquisition,  but 


192  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

rather  the  slowly  accumulated  products  of  the  ages 
brought  to  bear  on  the  life  of  to-day.  The  fact  that 
institutions  owe  their  power  to  this  principle  of  self- 
continuation  is  evident  enough;  nor  is  the  importance  of 
the  fact  any  less  clear,  for  it  is  only  the  external  side  of 
the  truth  that  society  is  an  evolution,  that  new  forms 
of  life  are  produced  out  of  lower  forms,  that  progress  is 
out  of  the  past  even  when  it  seems  to  contradict  the 
past. 

But  the  continuity  of  social  life  means  more  than  the 
fact  that  institutions  pass  on  from  age  to  age,  and  that 
The  ^ne  external  forms  of  life  are  not  subject  to 

Generation  sudden  change.  It  means  also  that  the  life 
of  Psychical  which  uses  these  forms,  and  grows  upon  the 

e>  skeleton  of  these  institutions,  is  itself  in  a  real 

sense  continuous.  Psychical  life  is  not  a  product  spon- 
taneously arising  in  each  individual,  but  it  is  stimulated 
in  the  individual  by  personal  contact  with  others  in  social 
life.  In  the  family,  the  school,  the  church,  there  is 
constantly  going  on  the  process  of  the  generation  of 
psychical  life.  The  teacher  finds  his  stimulus  in  the 
never-dying  power  of  masters  who  may  have  lived 
centuries  ago,  and  quickens  in  his  pupils  the  aspirations 
and  energies  which  will  make  themselves  felt  when  the 
pupils  take  their  place  in  the  world.  Not  simply  the 
forms  of  life,  but  the  energy — the  life  which  uses  these 
forms — has  its  sources  in  the  far  distant  past.  It  in- 
creases and  degenerates,  its  currents  separate  or  come 
together,  it  finds  men  whose  physical  nature  hinders  or 
favours  its  development,  but  it  is  never  created  ex  nihilo. 
Correlative  to  this  last  statement  is  the  fact  that  psy- 
chical life  does  not  lose  its  power.  From  the  present 
standpoint,  the  law  of  its  progress  may  almost  be  described 
as  progress  by  multifold  effect,  for  psychical  life  is  not 
exhausted  by  generating  similar  life  in  others,  but  it  even 
gains  in  power  by  this  process.  The  achievements  of  the 
past  in  art,  in  philosophy,  in  religion,  are  ever  new;  age 


DESCRIPTION  OF  SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENT.     193 

after  age  derives  its  inspiration  from  them,  and  the  truly 
great  productions  of  the  Greeks,  the  Hebrews,  the  Eomans, 
gain  new  mastery  over  us  as  we  study  them  with  truer 
appreciation. 

The  comparison  of  society  with  the  organism  of  biology 
has  led  observers  to  expect  that  society  will   follow  a 

lixed  -course  of  development  with  periodic 
Continuity  ,  ,  ,  .  „  .  . 

and  Change    changes,  as  does  the  organism.     JBut  society  is 

not  an  organism,  and  along  with  the  continuity 
of  its  life  there  is  an  absence  of  rigidity,  which  is  very 
important  for  its  progressive  development.  If  the  organ- 
ism were  able  from  time  to  time  to  substitute  an  organ  of 
more  youthful  character  for  one  that  had  grown  old  and 
to  keep  up  this  process  until  the  whole  body  were  re- 
newed, it  would  escape  the  necessity  of  growing  old  and 
dying;  and  if  it  could  at  the  same  time  preserve  the 
experience  of  the  displaced  organs  for  the  benefit  of  the 
more  youthful  organs  that  succeeded  them,  it  would  em- 
body a  principle  of  genuine  and  almost  unlimited  progress. 
What,  from  the  very  nature  of  the  biological  organism, 
is  for  it  impossible,  is  true  of  the  social  organisation. 
In  the  life  of  a  society  new  units  are  substituted  for  those 
that  have  grown  old,  and  normally  the  process  goes  on 
so  gradually  that  the  experience  of  the  past  may  serve 
as  the  basis  of  future  development.  The  young  persons 
of  each  new  generation  are  plastic  material  which  may  be 
moulded  in  harmony  with  the  higher  ideals  of  the  former 
age ;  at  the  same  time  they  do  not  hesitate  to  adopt  new 
practices  and  to  champion  new  ideas.  I.e.,  the  shortness  of 
human  life  is  the  principle  of  change,  which,  when  com- 
bined with  the  principle  of  continuity,  is  the  basis  of 
social  progress.  The  new  world  of  the  generation  that 
succeeds  us  is  no  mere  copy  of  our  world,  but  the  living 
continuation  of  it. 

It  has  often  been  customary  to  limit  the  process  here 
treated,  and  to  interpret  it  as  the  gradual  conquest  of  a 
world  known   as   the   realm  of   truth.     The   continuity 
0 


194  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

of  institutions  in  that  case  is  simply  their  harmony  with 
an  external  perfect  law,  and  the  continuity 
De'veio  ment  °^  ^e  *s  ^ne  gra(^ua^  embodiment  in  humanity 
from  the  °f  a  knowledge  of  the  truth.  Some  such 
standpoint  position  is  natural,  because  human  reason 
of  a  sup-  ever  asserts  a  k m(j  Of  independence  from 
posed  Goal. 

time   and   space,   and   seeks    to   lend   eternal 

universal  validity  to  the  knowledge  it  acquires.  While 
this  eternal  and  universal  validity  may  be  a  natural 
postulate  in  behalf  of  our  knowledge,  the  position  is 
by  no  means  so  clear  and  unavoidable  as  it  may 
appear  at  first  sight.  In  fact,  each  addition  to  our 
knowledge  affects  our  attitude  toward  all  the  things 
known  beforte,  so  that  former  knowledge  is  shifted,  be 
it  ever  so  slightly,  from  perfect  agreement  with  the 
facts.  We  do  indeed  lend  a  universal  validity  to 
knowledge,  in  so  far  as  it  is  perfect  from  our  stand- 
point ,  but  the  ideal  of  absolute  knowledge  is,  in  reality, 
an  ever-advancing  goal,  and  no  present  fact.  When  the 
student  treats  this  habit  of  human  reason  as  an  absolute 
fact,  and  finds  the  unity  of  social  development  only  in 
an  external  world,  he  has  left  the  field  of  science  for 
that  of  metaphysics  or  of  faith.  The  scientific  study 
of  society  finds  society  to  be  a  developing  process,  con- 
tinuous in  its  institutions  and  in  its  life. 

NOTE  ON  SOCIAL  REFORM. — It  is  hardly  necessary  to  call 
attention  to  the  fact  that  the  present  discussion  has  a  very  im- 
portant bearing  on  the  matter  of  social  reform.  The  doctrine 
here  stated  should  not,  of  course,  be  understood  as  denying  the 
reality  of  revolutions  both  in  public  sentiment  and  in  the  forms 
of  social  organisation.  It  does  say  that  revolutions  have  their 
roots  in  the  past,  that  they  are  the  product  of  a  long  period  of 
preparation,  and  are  not  manufactured  to  order.  The  con- 
sideration of  this  topic  shows  the  utter  absurdity  of  all 
schemes  to  introduce  a  new  social  order  on  short  notice,  and 
by  purely  external  methods.  At  the  same  time,  it  shows  that 
the  effort  to  set  true  and  high  ideals  before  the  world  cannot 
fail  to  produce  its  effect  in  time. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENT.      195 

B.  Increasing   Unity  and  Complexity  of  Social  Life. 

In  an  Essay  entitled  "Progress :  its  Law  and  Cause,"  Mr. 
Spencer  asserts  that  the  essence  of  progress  consists  in 
Mr.  Spencer's  the  transformation  of  the  homogeneous  into 
Law  of  the  heterogeneous,  and  he  goes  so  far  as  to 
Progress.  caj}  ^his  the  law  of  progress.  As  the  solar 
system  was  once  a  homogeneous  mass  of  gaseous  matter, 
but  now  has  become  a  highly  complex  system  of  sun 
and  planets;  as  the  earth  was  once  a  fluid  body,  homo- 
geneous throughout,  but  has  gradually  developed  a  very 
complex  crust  with  its  various  rocks  and  their  strata, 
its  mountains  and  ocean  beds;  so,  we  are  told,  mankind 
and  its  civilisation  have  been  passing  from  a  homogeneous 
to  a  heterogeneous  state — and  this  is  progress.  The  phrase 
"  homogeneous  to  heterogeneous  "  is  evidently  taken  from 
some  other  sphere  than  the  social,  and  in  its  application 
to  the  higher  life  of  man  its  meaning  is  not  at  all  the 
same  as  when  it  is  used  to  describe  physical  nature; 
nevertheless,  it  is  clear  that  the  fact  referred  to  is  the 
most  striking  feature  of  human  progress.  To  call  this 
the  "  law  "  of  social  progress  is  a  very  loose  use  of  words, 
for  it  is  nothing  more  than  an  external  description  of  a 
feature  common  to  all  forms  of  development.  To  state 
the  fact  more  exactly,  as  society  develops,  the  forms  of 
social  activity  and  the  groups  engaged  in  these  activities 
become  more  distinct,  and  separate  simple  social  groups 
unite  into  a  very  complex  form  of  society.  The  objec- 
tions which  hold  good  against  Mr.  Spencer's  position  are 
at  once  avoided  by  a  more  careful  statement  of  the  case. 

In  the  earliest  state  of  society  that  we  can  picture  to 
ourselves,  men  lived  in  small  tribes  or  "hordes,"  which 
Physical  Side  ^&d  but  little  to  do  with  each  other.  These 
of  Social  tribes  were  small,  because  no  principle  of 
Development,  common  life  had  been  developed  to  unite  more 
than  the  few  individuals  who  clung  together  for  mutual 
protection;  they  were  practically  independent  of  each 


196  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

other,  for  no  interest  extended  beyond  one  tribe  to  con- 
nect it  with  another.  From  a  physical  standpoint,  social 
activity  consisted  in  a  struggle  with  nature,  and  a 
struggle  with  similar  tribes.  In  this  struggle  one  tribe 
would  go  under,  and  another  increase  in  size  until  it 
split;  the  only  real  change  would  be  introduced  when 
one  tribe  became  strong  enough  and  far-sighted  enough  to 
bring  another  tribe  into  permanent  subjection  to  itself. 
The  new  unit  came  to  include  several  smaller  groups,  and 
the  original  elements  acquired  different  functions  in 
relation  to  the  newly-formed  whole.  Turning  from  the 
beginnings  of  society  to  the  European  civilisation  of 
to-day,  we  see  the  same  process  at  a  far  more  advanced 
stage.  Practically  there  are  but  seven  or  eight  peoples  in 
Europe  to-day,  and  the  common  life  of  these  peoples  is 
more  important  than  their  separate  life.  Along  with  this 
integration  social  functions  have  become  distinct  and 
separate,  and  there  is  hardly  any  limit  to  the  number  of 
social  groups  which  have  arisen  in  this  complex  society  to 
perform  these  functions. 

Considering  the  different  modes  of  social  activity  in 
their  relation  to  each  other,  we  find  that  in  early  times 
they  were  all  but  identical.  A  later  age  says  that  in  the 
General  patriarch al  family  the  father  was  farmer  and 
Character  of  manufacturer,  judge,  king,  and  priest ;  the  fact 
the  Early  is,  that  all  these  functions  originally  are 
Social  Group.  unj^e(j  jn  eacn  person  and  in  each  group, 
because  they  do  not  yet  exist  as  separate  functions.  So 
long  as  there  is  practically  but  one  uniform  type  of  social 
activity,  there  is  no  social  influence  to  make  the  members 
of  the  group  different  from  each  other.  Each  person  is 
like  every  other,  joining  in  the  hunt,  seeking  for  food, 
making  his  hut  or  his  weapon — and  the  only  differences 
are  due  to  difference  of  sex  or  of  strength.  The  early 
group  or  "  horde "  lacked  both  definiteness  and  compact 
unity,  and  the  groups  differed  from  each  other  only  with 
the  different  demands  of  their  physical  environment. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENT.      197 

Increasing  social  complexity  may  be  considered  from 
two  standpoints : — (a)  the  fundamental  forms  of  social 

activity  become  distinct,  thus  introducing  a 
Fundamental  .  i  ,  .  -,  . 

Forms  of        more  extensive  and  more  complex  social  struc- 

Social  ture,   and   (6)  simultaneously  within  each  of 

Activity        these  general  modes  of  activity,  greater  com- 
plexity of   function  and  structure  is  arising. 
Distinct.  J 

The  search  for  food  and  the  effort  for  protec- 
tion become  distinctly  organised  forms  of  activity,  and 
the  tribe  assumes  a  definite  structure  with  reference  to 
each  of  them.  Forms  of  social  intercourse  become  fixed, 
the  habit  of  respecting  rights  and  enforcing  rights  arises, 
the  need  of  protection  against  supernatural  evils,  and  of 
communion  with  supernatural  beings,  leads  to  a  distinctly 
religious  activity;  and  with  each  new  form  of  social 
activity  the  structure  of  society  becomes  more  complex, 
and  the  dependence  of  one  part  upon  another  more 
intimate.  While  this  change  is  often  so  gradual  as  to 
show  no  break,  in  many  cases  its  results  do  seem  to  enter 
suddenly ;  as,  for  instance,  when  the  introduction  of 
slavery  constituted  for  the  first  time  a  distinct  industrial 
organisation.  From  the  second  standpoint,  the  growth  of 
social  complexity  and  unity  is  even  more  striking.  Men 
have  always  needed  food,  companionship,  protection ; 
but  the  ways  in  which  they  have  met  these  needs  have 
varied  exceedingly  from  age  to  age.  The  changes  in  the 
economic  world,  to  take  a  typical  example,  show  most 
clearly  the  differentiation  and  integration  which  are  the 
outward  mark  of  development. 

In  the  lower  and  earlier  phases  of  society  the  need  of 
food  and  of  clothing  is  satisfied  in  the  simplest  manner 
The  simple  by  the  means  which  nature  provides,  and  no 
Economic  desires  are  as  yet  developed  which  reach  out 
Group.  beyond  the  clan  or  "horde."  Each  group 
supplied  its  own  needs;  all  the  numbers  helped  to  build 
the  huts  which  were  to  protect  them  from  rain  and  cold, 
all  worked  together  to  secure  weapons  and  tools,  all  shared 


198  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

the  product  of  the  common  chase.  The  industrial  life  of 
one  such  little  group  would  be  much  like  that  of  another, 
and  within  the  group  individuals  would  be  very  much 
alike,  for  even  differences  of  sex  could  not  yet  lead  to  a 
uniformly  different  industrial  life. 

Economic  development  began  with  the  separation  of 

economic  activities,  and  we  may  point  out  three  sources 

from  which  this  sprang,  viz. :  (a)  the  differ- 

Separate        ence  between  the  strong  and  the  skilled ;  (b) 

Economic       difference  between  the  sexes ;  and  (c)  differ- 

Functions  eiices  introduced  by  a  new  form  of  political 
and  Classes.  •  ,  •  •  , .  ,  1 

organisation,  in  particular,  slavery. 

A.  The  simple  utensils  of  savage  life  required  for  their 
manufacture  no  skill   which   was   beyond   the  reach  of 
anyone,  and  conversely,  no  utensil  requiring  special  skill 
could  come  into  general  use  until  some  tribe  was  ready  to 
support  a  class  of  toolmakers  who  should  acquire  and 
preserve  this  skill.     The  bow  and  arrow,  or  the  canoe, 
could  be  made  better  when  hunter  and  fisherman  were 
ready  to  maintain  someone  who  should  devote  himself  to 
this  work.     Pottery,  blankets,  elaborate  decorations,  were 
not  likely  to  attain  any  special  degree  of  excellence  until 
individuals  could  give  their  whole  strength  to  particular 
forms  of  manufacture.     In  so  far  as  the  division  of  labour 
proved   an   advantage   in   meeting  men's   desires,  or  in 
making   the   tribe  stronger  to   divert   attack,  the  habit 
would  tend  to  become  permanent  and  widespread — classes 
of  manufacturers  and  of  food  producers  would  arise;  a 
market   would    become   necessary   for    the   exchange   of 
wares,  and  at  length  the  growing  business  of  exchange 
would   call   for   a   class   of    merchants,   and   a   class   of 
exporters.      Division  of   labour  tends  to  emphasise  the 
differences  of    strength   and   of    skill   to   which   it   was 
originally  due;  and  as  it  becomes  a  necessity,  the  in- 
dustrial group  must  grow  larger  and  more  complex,  in 
order  that  the  simplest  needs  may  be  satisfied. 

B.  The  differences  between  the  sexes  played  an  im- 


DESCRIPTION  OF  SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENT.      199 

portant  part  in  this  process  from  almost  the  very 
beginning.  Women  could  be  compelled  to  work  long 
before  there  were  regular  slaves,  but  they  were  less 
able  to  endure  the  fatigues  of  war  and  the  chase.  The 
advantages  of  this  division  of  labour  were  so  apparent, 
that  it  may  have  been  an  important  factor  in  the 
development  of  more  permanent  family  relations.  The 
general  line  of  division  was  between  the  outer  world, 
and  the  inner  world  of  the  family  which  began  to  be 
formed.  To  the  man  fell  the  duties  of  protection  from 
attacks  of  man  and  beast,  and  the  procuring  of  game 
for  food.  The  work  of  the  home,  such  as  the  prepara- 
tion of  food,  the  manufacture  of  garments,  care  for  the 
children,  the  provision  of  whatever  man  may  need  or 
desire,  this  was  commonly  the  woman's  lot.  This  source 
of  differentiation  was  no  less  important  than  the  preced- 
ing, in  providing  the  basis  for  a  higher  type  of  social 
organisation. 

C.  The  connection  between  the  political  and  industrial 
organisation  of  society  is  always  close,  but  under 
primitive  conditions  it  is  peculiarly  intimate.  The 
preservation  of  captives  taken  in  war  to  serve  as  slaves, 
is  a  step  equally  important  for  the  development  of  the 
state  and  for  the  development  of  industry.  By  the  use  of 
slaves,  continuous  labour  and  combined  labour  were  pos- 
sible for  the  first  time,  and  with  the  general  institution 
of  slavery,  the  foundation  was  laid  for  the  civilisations 
of  antiquity.  This  single  illustration  shows  how  a 
separation  of  political  classes  is  the  source  of  economic 
complexity,  and  consequently  the  cause  of  larger 
economic  groups. 

.  The  necessary  result  of  the  separation  of 
the  more  industrial  activities  is  a  more  complex  indus- 
Complex  trial  group.  Each  group  requires  all  the 
Economic  different  forms  of  production  to  satisfy  the 
needs  and  desires  of  its  members,  so  that 
as  soon  as  these  forms  are  separated  the  group  thereby 


200  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

grows  more  complex.  Complexity  means  the  possibility, 
if  not  the  necessity,  of  more  members  in  the  group ; 
the  new  form  of  industrial  life  tends  to  bring  different 
groups  together,  where  the  earlier  form  had  tended  to 
separate  them ;  at  the  same  time  each  group  follows  its 
own  course  of  development,  so  that  any  two  groups  are 
far  less  likely  to  resemble  each  other  than  were  two  of 
the  earlier  simple  groups.  Moreover,  the  more  com- 
plex life  means  a  different  industrial  environment  for 
each  individual  in  the  group,  so  that  social  influences 
tended  to  make  men  different,  where  before  they  had 
tended  to  make  them  alike. 

It  is  difficult  to  set  any  limit  to  this  process  of  the 
increasing  complexity  of  economic  life  and  economic 
Continuation  structure ;  already  it  has  gone  so  far  that 
of  this  most  of  the  human  race  stand  in  some  sort 
Process.  of  economic  relation  with  each  other.  The 
reason  of  this  process,  in  which  any  backward  step  is 
difficult,  is  twofold.  From  the  standpoint  of  conscious 
purpose  its  advantages  are  so  evident  as  to  enlist  in  its 
favour  the  choice  of  thoughtful  men.  But  evolution 
would  be  a  slow  and  doubtful  matter  if  it  were  left  to 
thought  and  reasonable  choice ;  the  results  of  this  process 
and  the  absolute  need  of  a  complex  economic  organisation, 
become  embedded  in  the  very  nature  of  the  individual,  so 
that  he  devotes  himself  to  a  limited  sphere  of  economic 
activity,  without  conscious  recognition  of  the  broader 
reasons  for  this  course.  Economic  evolution  has  always 
been  marked  by  a  growing  complexity  and  unity  of 
economic  life;  but  even  when  dignified  by  the  name  of 
a  "  law  "  this  change  does  not  explain  economic  progress. 

The  marks  of  social  evolution,  which  have  been  dis- 
cussed for  the  case  of  economic  activity,  are  none  the 
less  evident  in  the  other  modes  of  social  activity.  The 
earliest  political  organisation  of  society  was  absolutely 
simple ;  and  these  simple  political  units  were  small, 
numerous,  and  in  the  same  environment  very  much 


DESCRIPTION  OF  SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENT.      201 

alike.     In  the  course  of  political  development  two  forms 

of  growing  complexity  may  be  distinguished. 
Political  ,  ,,  J . 

Activity  ^n  ^  e  s^  P^ace  •i"e  state  becomes  composite, 
becomes  Smaller  centres  of  political  life  are  developed 
Broader  within  the  larger  whole ;  and,  as  the  central 

authority  is  relieved  from  attention  to  detail, 
Complex.  J 

it  can  perform  the  necessary  functions  of 
government  for  increasingly  large  bodies  of  men.  Within 
the  state  there  arise  the  province  and  the  county,  the 
town,  the  city,  and  the  wards  of  the  city ;  or,  again,  it 
is  found  possible  to  unite  smaller  bodies  into  one  larger 
body  on  the  principle  which  we  have  learned  to  call 
local  self-government;  the  result  in  either  case  is  a 
separation  of  political  functions,  and  an  integration  of 
the  resulting  political  groups  into  larger  and  larger 
wholes.  And,  in  the  second  place,  the  functions  of  the 
central  governing  power  are  separated,  and  the  executive 
head  is  no  longer  clothed  with  legislative  and  judiciary 
powers.  In  consequence  of  this  process  the  modern 
state  is  a  very  complex  affair.  Few  states  have  taken 
the  place  of  numerous  tribes,  and  these  states  show 
marked  differences  from  each  other  as  the  result  of 
different  lines  of  development. 

The  evolution  of  social  activity  in  aesthetic  lines  has 
been  quite  fully  analysed  by  Mr.  Spencer  in  the  essay  to 

which  reference  has  been  made.1  The  aesthetic 
Complexity  enjoyment,  which  began  in  simple  forms  with 
and  Unity  narrow  range,  gradually  assumed  forms  more 
in  other  an(j  rnore  complex,  and  simultaneously  the 

sphere  of  its  activity  has  been  extending 
indefinitely.  The  evolution  of  intellectual  activity  has 
left  its  traces  in  the  history  of  language.  Under  primi- 
tive conditions  each  group  has  its  own.  simple  language 
suited  to  its  very  simple  needs.  So  far  as  these  needs 
were  the  same  for  different  tribes,  the  different  languages 
would  have  about  the  same  structure  and  range;  they 
1  Spencer  :  Progress ;  its  Law  and  Cause  (pp.  239-240,). 


202  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

were  very  much  alike,  in  that  they  served  the  same 
purposes  in  the  same  manner.  Social  evolution  brought 
about  a  more  complex  intellectual  life,  and  at  the  same 
time  it  tended  to  unite  different  groups  in  the  same 
intellectual  activity.  A  few  languages,  complex  and 
unlike  in  structure  and  range,  take  the  'place  of  very 
many  languages  of  the  simplest  character  and  very  much 
alike.  The  new  language  is  formed  by  taking  up  into 
itself  elements  from  the  languages  which  it  supplants, 
and  by  this  means  it  is  able  to  meet  the  needs  of  the 
higher  intellectual  life.  The  same  rule  holds  for  every 
form  of  social  activity — increasing  complexity  and  unity 
are  the  mark  of  social  evolution. 

This  process  has  continued  until  its  results  can  be 
foreseen  in  clear  outline.  The  unity  of  mankind,  which 
c  .  .  was  once  a  prophetic  vision,  hidden  from 
common  eyes  and  accepted  only  upon  faith,  is 
at  length  being  realised,  as  the  most  remote  corners  of  the 
earth  are  brought  under  the  influence  of  one  civilisation. 
The  process  of  integration  has  touched  every  race,  and  its 
farther  advance  will  be  toward  a  more  intensive  unity — a 
more  intimate  unity  of  peoples  already  in  contact.  The 
result  of  greater  complexity  is  an  increasingly  unique 
environment  for  each  individual  of  the  race,  and  every 
considerable  advance  in  social  evolution  is  marked  not 
only  by  more  sharply  defined  classes  engaged  in  the 
different  forms  of  social  activity,  but  also  by  more  distinct 
individuality  among  the  members  of  these  classes.  The 
course  of  these  processes  is  by  no  means  even  and  un- 
interrupted, nor  can  we  say  as  yet  that  this  course 
coincides  exactly  with  the  diiferent  stages  of  social  evolu- 
tion. It  remains  true  that  the  most  striking  character- 
istics of  social  evolution  are  the  facts  of  continuity, 
and  of  growing  unity  and  complexity;  the  outcome  of 
these  processes  is  a  unified  mankind  made  up  of  unique 
individuals. 


CHAPTEE  XII. 

PROCESSES   OF   SOCIAL   DEVELOPMENT. 

To  the  casual  observer  of  society,  it  is  evident  that  social 
development  is  continuous,  and  that  society  tends  toward 
Two  Theories  a  state  of  greater  complexity  with  larger  and 
of  Social  De-  more  comprehensive  social  groups.  But  if  we 
veiopment.  wou}(j  look  below  the  surface,  and  seek  a  more 
definite  statement  of  the  actual  processes  in  this  develop- 
ment, we  are  met  at  the  outset  by  most  diverse  views. 
Many  of  these  are  purely  fantastic,  and  need  not  detain 
us,  but  after  such  have  been  set  aside,  there  remain  two 
theories  of  social  development,  almost  contradictory  in 
their  statement,  and  yet  each  claiming  the  support  of  a 
large  mass  of  facts.  On  the  one  hand,  there  is  the 
genealogical  theory  of  progress,  according  to  which  types 
of  culture  are  bred  and  scatter  in  the  world,  just  as  men 
are  born  and  disperse  ;  science  has  the  interesting  task 
of  tracing  each  form  of  civilisation  up  the  genealogical 
tree  to  the  common  source  of  all,  and  thus  the  history 
of  civilisation  is  made  clear.  On  the  other  hand  is  the 
theory1  that  social  development  is  a  process  of  agglomer- 
ation and  assimilation,  such  that  each  step  in  progress 
may  be  explained  as  the  interaction  of  heterogeneous 
elements.  The  consideration  of  these  two  views  will 
lead  the  student,  I  believe,  to  recognise  that  each  of 
these  theories  is  concerned  with  a  real  process  going  on 
in.  society,  but  that  neither  deserves  the  name  of  the 
"  theory  "  of  social  development. 

1  This  theory  is  presented  with  great  vigour,  and  enforced  with  much 
illustrative  material,  by  Gumplowicz  in  his  Rassenkampf  and  Grundriss 
der  Sociologic. 


203 


204  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

Perhaps  the  most  natural  account  of  the  development 
of  society  would  explain  it  as  a  process  of  dispersion  and 
differentiation.  In  every  age  the  family,  more 
Dispersion*  particularly  the  patriarchal  family,  has  traced 
and  Differen-  its  origin  to  some  one  ancestor,  and  his  blood 
tiation.  in  the  veins  of  many  descendants  is  supposed 

.    ace  n-    ^Q  un^e  them  into  one  group.     In  this  fni£- 
crease. 

ment  of   society  it  is  seen  that  the  original 

pair  has  several  children  more  or  less  different,  and  that 
each  of  these  has  children  in  turn,  so  that  succeeding 
generations  increase  (theoretically)  in  a  geometrical  ratio, 
and  characteristics  which  have  arisen  may  easily  be  per- 
petuated and  increased.  This  explanation  which  men 
are  in  the  habit  of  applying  to  a  small  portion  of 
developing  society,  may  also  be  applied  to  the  race  as 
a  whole.  The  biblical  account  of  creation  has  made 
the  Christian  world  familiar  with  the  conception  of  an 
original  single  pair  from  whom  all  men  are  descended. 
Here,  as  in  the  example  on  a  smaller  scale,  generations 
theoretically  increase  in  a  geometrical  ratio,  and  differences 
are  easily  perpetuated  and  increased. 

In  support  of  the  view  that  the  human  race  has  at 
times  followed  the  course  indicated  by  this  scheme  of 
Historical  development,  we  may  point  to  the  historical 
Evidence  for  evidence  for  such  centres  of  distribution.  It 
Centres  of  j^g  been  customary  to  speak  of  a  cradle  of 
on'  the  race  in  the  south-western  part  of  Asia, 
and  thus  to  give  a  certain  scientific  content  to  the 
biblical  account  of  Paradise  and  the  early  development 
of  the  human  race.  Nor  can  we  doubt  that  there  was 
such  a  cradle  of  humanity  where  men  multiplied,  and 
from  which  successive  waves  of  immigration  swept  to 
the  westward.  The  study  of  language  and  of  culture 
makes  us  acquainted  with  a  few  groups  of  peoples  such 
as  the  Semitic  and  the  Indo-Germanic,  which  are  very 
wide-spread,  and  each  of  which  seems  to  have  come 
from  one  source.  Used  with  the  greatest  care,  this 


PROCESSES   OF  SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENT.      205 

evidence  still  seems  to  point  to  centres  of  dispersion  from 
which  each  group  originally  came.  On  the  American 
continent,  we  can  point  out  at  least  one  such  swarming 
place  for  the  Indian  races.  Fish  and  game  were  plenty 
in  the  region  of  the  Great  Lakes ;  men  multiplied  rapidly, 
and  as  they  became  too  numerous  to  find  sufficient  food 
even  in  such  a  place,  one  tribe  after  another  seems  to 
have  separated  from  the  parent  stock,  and  gone  forth  to 
find  a  new  home.  Here  again  related  languages  and 
similar  customs  suggest  a  common  source;  while  the 
appearance  of  the  same  sub-tribes  and  clans  in  each 
tribe,  together  with  the  same  system  of  names  and  the 
same  laws  of  relation,  seem  to  indicate  that  each  offshoot 
retained  exactly  the  organisation  of  the  parent  tribe. 
From  evidence  of  this  character,  I  infer  that  dispersion 
was  a  real  process;  it  is  equally  clear  that  we  do  not 
have  and  cannot  have  any  such  evidence  that  the  ivhule 
human  race  came  from  one  centre  of  this  type. 

Those  who  have  believed  that  the  entire  human  race 
had  a  common  origin  have  found  it  necessary  to  explain 
Differentia-  ^e  important  differences  between  ethnic 
tion  of  groups  as  the  result  of  a  long -continued 
Physical  process  of  differentiation.  Children  of  the 
ypes'  same  parents  differ,  grandchildren  may  differ 

more  widely ;  and  distant  descendants,  who  have  lived 
under  different  conditions,  will  show  far  greater  differ- 
ences. All  those  differences  of  environment,  which  have 
been  discussed  in  an  earlier  chapter  (chap,  ii.),  have 
gradually  affected  the  races  that  were  subject  to  them. 
The  temperature  and  the  amount  of  moisture  in  the 
air  affect  the  physical  constitution ;  some  localities 
favour,  and  others  hinder,  intercourse  of  tribe  with 
tribe ;  the  character  of  the  food  supply  will  modify  the 
tribe  from  its  industrial  side;  conditions  of  security  or 
insecurity  will  affect  its  vigour;  and,  finally,  with  the 
rise  of  civilisation,  the  range  of  differences  in  the 
environment  of  individuals  is  indefinitely  increased. 


206  INTRODUCTION   TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

The  facts  already  accessible  with  reference  to  the  effects 
of  very  different  surroundings  upon  the  Spanish  or  the 
English  race,  confirm  the  impression  that  this  process 
of  differentiation  is  going  on,  and  that  the  varieties  best 
adapted  to  given  conditions  are  likely  to  be  perpetuated. 
At  the  same  time,  the  effort  to  account  for  important 
ethnic  differences  by  the  long-continued  effects  of  en- 
vironment is  as  yet  very  far  from  being  successful. 

Very   grave  objections   may   be   brought   against   the 
theory  that   the   greater   ethnic   differences  have   arisen 

gradually  among  the  descendants  of  a  single 
The  Process 
of  Physical    numan  Pair  5    but  we  find  abundant  evidence 

Differentia-    that    the    differentiation    and    dispersion    of 

tion  and        human  races  is  a  real  process  actually  going 

ispersion;    Qn        ^Q   cau   p0jnt   ou£   severa}   centres   of 

dispersion  from  which  one  race  after  another 
has  gone  out.  We  have  good  evidence  that  environment 
in  and  by  itself  has  at  least  a  limited  direct  influence 
both  upon  individuals  and  the  race ;  and  we  know  that 
any  differences,  however  slight,  which  benefit  the  in- 
dividual or  the  race  in  a  given  environment,  are  almost 
sure  to  be  perpetuated  in  the  struggle  for  existence. 
As  a  theory  of  human  development,  the  theory  under 
discussion  is  inadequate,  if  not  misleading;  as  a  process 
constantly  going  on,  its  truth  cannot  be  denied. 

The   same   theory   which   has   been   discussed  in   the 
sphere   of    physical    development,   has   also   exercised  a 

wide  influence  upon  students  of  the  various 
ation  &TJ.&1 1~^orm&  °f  psychical  life.  The  history  of  such 
Dispersion  of  institutions  as  the  state,  or  the  history  of 
Forms  of  social  manners  and  customs,  has  been  repre- 

serited  by  the  figure  of   a   genealogical   tree; 

and  any  type  has  been  "explained,"  when  it 
is  traced  back  to  the  common  origin  from  which  all  have 
sprung.  Two  examples  will  make  this  clearer,  and  at 
the  same  time  will  illustrate  the  truth  and  the  weakness 
of  the  explanation  offered. 


PROCESSES  OF  SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENT.      207 

The  discovery  of  the  Sanscrit  language  by  European 
scholars,  and  the  light  which  it  threw  upon  the  relation 

of  languages  in  Europe,  gave  a  powerful  im- 
(a.)  Language: 
Dispersion,      petus  to  the  general  study  of  the  development 

of  language.  It  was  indeed  a  revelation  that 
languages  so  different  as  the  Slav  and  the  German,  the 
Celtic  and  the  Greek,  were  intimately  related  as  to  root- 
meanings,  inflectional  endings,  and  sentence  structure. 
The  immediate  inference  from  this  group  of  new  facts 
was  that  all  these  languages  were  descended  from  a 
common  source,  an  original  Indo- Germanic  language, 
which,  twenty  years  ago,  scholars  thought  they  could 
reconstruct  with  considerable  accuracy.  From  the 
existence  of  this  large  group  of  languages,  it  was  in- 
ferred farther  that  all  languages  could  be  classified  in 
large  genealogical  groups;  that  each  of  these  groups 
pointed  to  some  common  centre  of  dispersion ;  and  finally 
it  was  suggested  that  these  groups  had  themselves  a 
genealogical  connection  with  a  more  distant  common 
source,  although  few  traces  of  this  could  be  pointed 
out.  It  is  now  clear  that  many  of  these  inferences 
were  unjustifiable,  and  they  have  been  abandoned.  As 
a  process,  ever  going  on  in  the  history  of  language,  the 
spread  of  language  is  an  all-important  fact.  Kaces  carry 
their  own  languages  with  them  as  they  migrate,  and 
the  effort  to  communicate  with  those  who  use  other 
languages  is  likely  to  result  in  the  gradual  extension  of 
the  language  which,  under  the  circumstances,  is  best 
adapted  to  survive.  As  a  theory  of  the  development  of 
language,  however,  the  genealogical  account  of  their 
descent  is  anything  but  satisfactory. 

Even  apart  from  the  influence  of  different  environ- 
ment, language  is  never  fixed  and  unchanging ;  and  if 
language :  one  Soes  back  to  the  period  before  the  general 
Differentia-  diffusion  of  printed  books,  and  farther  still, 
tion.  ^Q  the  period  before  the  general  use  of  writing, 

he  finds  that  language  changes  much  more  rapidly  than 


208  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

is  possible  to-day.  The  greatest  difference  between  the 
dialects  of  one  language  to-day  is  a  difference  of  pro- 
nunciation for  the  same  vocables;  and  the  change  of 
pronunciation  proceeds  so  rapidly,  that  the  English 
spoken  in  the  time  of  Shakespeare  would  not  be  easily 
intelligible  to  modern  ears.  The  careful  study  of  these 
changes  may  not  reveal  any  universal  laws,  but  it  shows 
that  these  changes  are  all  subject  to  law,  and  the  laws 
which  hold  in  a  given  place  arid  at  a  given  time  are 
being  definitely  formulated.  Changes  in  the  root  mean- 
ings of  words  take  place  more  slowly,  but  they  are  none 
the  less  real.  Words  of  general  meaning  are  restricted 
to  particular  uses,  words  applied  to  specific  objects  come  to 
denote  more  general  classes,  literal  use  becomes  metaphor, 
and  the  reverse.1  Even  more  striking  changes  in  vocab- 
ulary arise  through  the  decay  of  some  words,  and  the 
genesis  of  others  to  do  their  work.  The  main  reason 
for  these  changes  is  evident,  when  one  considers  the 
way  in  which  language  is  learned.  The  child  learns 
but  gradually  to  speak  the  language  which  he  hears, 
and  no  two  persons  speak  a  language  in  exactly  the 
same  way.  Differences  existing  in  the  case  even  of 
one  person  affect  the  ideal  of  the  community  with 
reference  to  language,  so  that  every  change  has  a  slight 
tendency  to  perpetuate  itself.  Moreover,  language  is 
but  the  way  in  which  a  type  of  culture  finds  expression, 
and  each  change  in  the  type  of  culture  is  immediately 
reflected  in  the  language  of  the  people  in  question. 

While  then  we  cannot  find  traces  of  any  direct  tendency 
to  differentiation  in  language,  such  that  the  meanings 
Languages  °f  a  word  naturally  split  up  within  the  same 
change  and  social  group,  we  find  numerous  classes  of 
separate.  changes  to  which  language  is  subject.  When 
two  languages  derived  from  a  common  source  have  once 
lost  the  consciousness  of  their  connection,  these  processes 

1  Abundant  illustration  of  these  changes  may  be  found  in  Whitney's 
Life  and  Growth  of  Language,  chap.  v.-viL 


PROCESSES  OF  SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENT.      209 

of  change  meet  with  no  check,  and  constantly  widen 
the  breach  between  them.  Nevertheless,  these  facts  of 
change  do  not  constitute  any  complete  theory  of  the 
development  of  language. 

With  the  conception  that  the  different  ethnic  religions 
are  parts  of  one  process,  there  has  been  associated  the 

idea  that  these  religions  were  related  as  the 
Dispersion11'  names  ^n  a  genealogical   tree,  and  that   they 

might  be  satisfactorily  explained  by  reference 
to  some  common  source.  The  comparative  mythologists, 
who  have  made  language  the  foundation  of  their  study 
of  myths,  have  naturally  brought  systems  of  mythology 
into  the  same  relation  as  groups  of  languages.  The 
name  of  a  divinity  recurring  in  different  religions1 
suggests  a  common  origin  for  these  religions.  The  same 
types  of  divinity2  at  least  suggest  a  common  source 
from  which  their  worship  has  spread,  either  as  their 
worshippers  migrated,  or  as  other  tribes  came  to  recognise 
these  divinities  as  their  gods.  The  principles  for  the 
exact  study  of  the  dispersion  of  religions  have  not  been 
determined  with  any  definiteness,  and  the  wild  theories 
frequently  propounded  have  cast  discredit  on  this  whole 
line  of  study.  Nevertheless,  we  cannot  avoid  the  belief 
that  religion,  like  other  phases  of  culture,  has  often  been 
spread  from  common  centres.  With  the  migration  of 
peoples  from  such  centres,  the  religious  side  of  their 
culture  was  spread  abroad ;  and  we  have  abundant 
evidence  that,  at  least  within  historic  times,  religions 
have  had  a  remarkable  power  of  extending  over  civilisa- 
tions to  which  they  were  originally  foreign. 
_  .  .  ,  lieligious  beliefs  are  intimately  connected 

Differentia-  with  philosophical  beliefs  as  to  the  nature  of 
tion.  the  world  and  of  the  soul,  and  each  change 

1  The  standing  example  of  this  is  Dyaus-pitar,  Zeus-pater,  Ju-piter. 

2  A  goddess  of  love  and  generation  (Astarte,  Aphrodite,  Venus),  a  god 
of  the  wine  (Soma,  Dionysos,  Sabazios,  Bacchus),  a  god  of  the  sun,  and 
another  of  the  heavens. 


210  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

in  the  latter  is  reflected  in  the  beliefs  that  are  more 
distinctly  religious.  Eeligious  myth  is  almost  as  un- 
stable as  other  types  of  legend,  except  when  it  is  in- 
timately connected  with  forms  of  religious  practice;  and 
even  the  explanations  of  religious  practice  become  radi- 
cally different  as  a  people  advances  to  a  new  and  higher 
stage  of  culture.  No  factor  of  religious  life  is  so  per- 
manent as  the  forms  of  sacred  rites ;  but  even  these 
change  slowly  from  age  to  age.  Forms  which  have 
become  dead  are  cast  aside,  and  new  practices  gradually 
gain  the  authority  which  was  formerly  possessed  by 
others.  If,  then,  two  peoples  start  together,  the  par- 
ticular forms  of  religious  life  are  likely  to  become 
different,  and  all  hindrances  to  this  differentiation  are 
removed  when  the  two  peoples  have  lost  consciousness 
of  their  earlier  relation. 

The  consideration  of  the  development  of  language  and 
of  religion,  as  examples  of  the  development  of  psychical 

.    _  life,  shows  that  the  process  of  dispersion  is  real, 

The  Process 

of  Dispersion  and  that  constant  changes  are  occurring,  which 
and  Differ-  result  in  differences.  Three  facts  stand  out  in 
entiation.  the  general  process,  (a)  The  fact  of  continuity. 
Each  phase  of  psychical  life,  like  each  living 
being  in  the  physical  world,  is  the  direct  product  of  its 
past,  (b)  The  fact  of  dispersion.  Forms  of  psychical 
life  are  frequently  spread  from  common  centres,  both  by 
the  migration  of  races,  and  by  the  direct  migration  of 
their  types  of  culture,  (c)  The  fact  of  differentiation. 
Changes  are  constantly  going  on  in  every  form  of  genuine 
psychical  life,  and  these  changes  make  the  psychical  life 
of  one  group  different  from  that  of  another.  This  last 
fact  is  quite  as  important  in  a  developed  society  as  in 
earlier  times,  and  the  integration  of  distinct  groups  in 
the  performance  of  different  social  activities  helps  on 
such  a  differentiation  within  any  given  society.  As  a 
theory  of  the  development  of  culture,  this  genealogical 
account  of  society  is  inadequate  and  often  misleading. 


PROCESSES   OF  SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENT,      211 

As  processes  constantly  going  on,  dispersion  and  differ- 
entiation are  real  facts,  and  are  playing  a  more  important 
part  in  social  evolution  than  ever  before. 

In  any  comparison   of   civilised  and  uncivilised  races 

as  they  exist  to-day,  the  most  striking  difference  relates 

to  the  size  of  a  society.      Among  the  Bush- 

.    rocess    men    Q£     gouth    Africa,    the    groups    or    in- 

ation.   Civil-  cipient  tribes  are  numerous,  without  organi- 

isation  les-    sation,  and  unstable.      The  lowest   mountain 

sens  number  Bribes  of  India  or  in  Central  America  show 
of  Social  .  .  .  . 

Groups.         the  same.  characteristics,     lurnmg  to  civilisa- 

tion, we  find  to-day  but  one  society  ;  it  covers 
most  of  the  globe,  its  organisation  is  very  complex,  and 
it  has  been  comparatively  stable  for  many  centuries. 
Some  smaller  tribes  have  been  exterminated  by  the 
"  march  of  civilisation,"  but  when  the  differences  in 
culture  have  not  been  excessively  great,  the  process  has 
ordinarily  been  one  of  absorption  and  assimilation.  The 
factors  in  the  development  of  the  Hebrew  civilisation 
have  left  some  traces  in  the  later  tribes,  and  the  early 
history  of  the  Greek  city-state  is  an  account  of  the 
fusing  together  of  different  elements  into  a  larger  whole. 
The  condition  of  the  uncivilised  world  to-day  justifies  us 
in  assuming  that  the  civilised  society  has  been  preceded 
by  innumerable  smaller  societies  ;  and  we  have  abundant 
proof  with  reference  to  each  of  the  earlier  civilisations 
that  this  assumption  is  correct. 

The  more  elaborate  classifications  of  different  types  of 
social   aggregates  bring  out  this  fact  of    agglomeration 

even  more  clearly,  and  show  something  of  its 
Mr.  Spencer's  .  a  •  .  i  -c  *•  e  ?•«• 

Classification  importance.    Spencer  s  classification  or  different 

of  different  types  of  societies  may  serve  as  an  illustration.1 
Types  of  jn  m-s  «  slmple  "  society,  "  the  parts  co-operate, 
e"with  or  without  a  regulating  centre,  for  certain 


public  ends."      In  the  "  compound  "  societies 
"the  simple  groups  have  their  respective  chiefs  under  a 
1  Spencer,  Principles  of  Sociology,  part  ii.  chap.  x. 


212  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

supreme  chief."  Such  societies  are  naturally  formed 
when  one  group  asserts  its  superiority  by  subjecting 
other  groups  to  its  rule.  As  these  compound  societies 
get  a  more  stable  headship,  and  different  parts  come  to 
depend  more  on  each  other,  one  of  these  may  absorb 
others,  and  thus  a  doubly  or  a  trebly  compound  society 
is  formed.  Without  attributing  too  much  weight  to  Mr. 
Spencer's  abstractions  and  terminology,  we  recognise  that 
each  change  is  the  result  of  a  new  agglomeration,  and 
that  the  classes  in  the  more  compound  society  partially 
represent  the  component  parts,  the  original  groups  which 
it  has  absorbed. 

This  suggests  another  process  besides  simple  dis- 
persion, and  another  figure  which  represents  progress 

_.  .  .  ,  more  truly  than  the  genealogical  account  of  a 
Statement  tf  .  *  ° 

the  Process  patriarchal  society.  From  a  purely  external 
of  Agglomer-  standpoint,  human  progress  may  be  repre- 
ation.  sented  as  a  process  of  agglomeration  and 

assimilation.  Granted  the  existence  of  an  indefinite 
number  of  small  groups,  such  as  we  find  among  any 
uncivilised  people,  progress  begins  when  one  group  is 
able  to  use  another  for  its  own  ends  in  some  other  way 
than  by  eating  those  who  compose  it.  From  this  stand- 
point the  story  of  human  progress  is  always  the  same. 
One  tribe  subdues  another,  absorbs  it,  and  rises  by 
pushing  it  down.  The  leverage  for  human  progress  is 
quite  generally  found  in  humanity,  not  in  nature  alone. 
This  is  followed  by  an  assimilation  of  the  different 
elements  into  a  more  homogeneous  whole.  Men  are 
brought  together  in  larger  and  larger  societies,  until  the 
human  race  is  one,  for  the  real  unity  of  the  race  is  an 
achievement,  whether  or  not  it  be  descended  from  a 
single  pair. 

Viewed  on  its  physical  side,  this  process  starts  with 
the  fact  of  very  numerous,  all  but  independent,  groups 
of  men.  When  it  is  put  forward  as  a  theory,  that  is, 
to  explain  the  differences  between  men  by  tracing  them 


PROCESSES  OF  SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENT.      213 

back  even  farther  than  the  beginnings  of  humanity,  of 
course  this  process  requires  the  polygenetic 
Process  origin  of  our  race.  But  in  its  more  modest 
regarded  form,  it  starts  with  the  facts  of  uncivilised  life 
from  its  as  they  exist  all  over  the  globe.  The  process 
_.  ysica  consists  first  in  the  agglomeration  of  these 
groups,  either  directly  or  indirectly ;  directly, 
as  one  absorbs  another  in  toto,  indirectly,  as  exogamous 
marriage  gradually  unites  the  separate  groups  into  one 
larger  society.  Such  agglomeration  takes  place  very  easily 
and  naturally  when  two  savage  hordes  come  into  relation ; 
and  it  is  none  the  less  real  when  two  civilised  societies  first 
touch,  and  then  enter  into  connection  with  each  other. 
It  is  only  when  two  societies  on  very  different  planes 
of  culture  come  into  relation,  that  a  true  union  seems 
to  be  difficult.1  The  process  which  we  are  thus  led  to 
consider  is  by  no  means  inconsistent  with  the  process 
of  race-dispersion,  but  it  is  far  more  important  than 
such  dispersion  in  explaining  the  rise  of  civilised  society, 
for  it  is  distinctly  synthetic,  while  the  former  process 
was  analytic. 

In  this  general  process  we  may  distinguish  two 
elements — the  persistence  of  race -characteristics,  and 
Per  i  t  ce  ^ie  uninca^ion  of  different  factors  in  a  single 
of  Race-  complex  social  life.  The  theory  of  natural 
character-  selection  in  its  stricter  form,  like  every  other 
istics.  careful  theory  of  heredity,  starts  with  the 

postulate  that  the  characteristics  of  each  individual  tend 
to  persist  in  all  his  descendants.  The  popular  belief 
that  increasing  differentiation  in  the  descendants  of  a 
single  pair  is  independent  of  hereditary  influences,  is 
quite  inconsistent  with  this  position.  In  the  attempt 
to'  construct  a  science  of  sociology,  any  neglect  of  the 


1  Celts  and  Teutons  have  remained  distinct  in  Great  Britain  ;  and  the 
comparatively  high  civilisations  of  parts  of  East  Africa  and  Central 
America  have  left  no  traces  on  the  civilisation  from  Europe,  by  which 
they  have  been  superseded. 


214  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

scientific  theory  of  heredity  is  exceedingly  unfortunate, 
and  the  study  of  the  process  under  discussion  has  done 
good  service  by  bringing  clearly  into  view  the  persistence 
of  race -characteristics.  The  fact  of  differentiation  it 
readily  explains  as  due  to  the  crossing  of  types  already 
in  existence.  While  anthropologists  are  inclined  to 
question  the  reality  of  the  genesis  of  new,  independent 
physical  types,  the  intermarriage  of  families  and  the 
agglomeration  of  tribes  have  led  to  constantly  increasing 
sets  of  new  combinations.  The  real  source  of  the  differ- 
ences in  modern  society  is  to  be  found  in  the  different 
original  elements  which  entered  into  its  composition. 

Corresponding  to  the  persistence  of  race-characteristics 

is  the  development  of  a  wider  and  wider  social  life,  in 

which    these    characteristics    find    expression. 

™  *;atl(m    In  truth,  these  original  differences  only  find 
of  Culture.       ...  J 

their  true  environment  when  one  race  comes 

to  share  the  same  common  life  with  another  race.  If 
the  races  were  exactly  alike,  when  they  were  united 
there  would  be  no  basis  for  the  development  of  a  complex 
social  structure,  and  the  stability  which  results  from 
interdependence  in  such  a  structure  would  be  lacking. 
Different  races  contribute  each  its  own  element  to  the 
common  life,  and  the  life  developed  out  of  these  factors 
tends  to  be  permanent,  because  each  factor  comes  to 
depend  for  its  very  life  on  every  other.  When  two 
races  come  together,  the  characteristics  of  each  persist, 
and  a  new,  higher  social  life  is  developed  out  of  the 
peculiar  culture  which  had  belonged  to  each  independently ; 
the  agglomeration  of  social  groups  is  accompanied  by  an 
assimilation  or  unification  of  the  life  of  each  group  into 
a  life  that  is  not  only  more  complex,  but  richer. 

On  turning  from  the  consideration  of  man's  physical 
development  to  the  development  of  civilisation,  we  find 
the  same  process  of  agglomeration  and  assimilation,  and 
its  importance  in  the  psychical  world  is  no  less  than 
its  importance  in  the  realm  of  biology  and  ethnology. 


PROCESSES  OF  SOCIAL   DEVELOPMENT.      215 

The  fundamental  principle  of  union  among  the  members 
of  a  group  is  essentially  a  psychical  principle ; 
Process  anc^  wnen  two  social  groups  combine,  the 
regarded  psychical  life  of  each  tends  to  persist  in  the 
from  the  complex  psychical  life  which  is  a  result  of 
Side0  °a  their  union.  This  is  very  evident  in  the  case 
of  social  institutions,  which  are  but  the  ex- 
ternal forms  in  which  the  inner  life  finds  expression. 
When  two  tribes  unite,  the  institutions  of  each  tend  to 
persist;  and  the  result  is  that  each,  institution  is 
profoundly  modified  and  enriched,  or  more  commonly, 
that  the  institutions  of  one  group  prevail  at  one  point, 
and  those  of  the  other  group  at  other  points.  Take, 
for  example,  the  results  of  the  Doric  migration  into 
the  Peloponnesus,  as  pictured  by  a  recent  historian  of 
Greece.1  Eude,  vigorous  tribes  from  the  northern  moun- 
tains conquered  without  great  difficulty  the  weakened 
representatives  of  a  civilisation  which  once  had  influ- 
enced all  the  shores  of  the  ^Egean  Sea.  The  conquerors 
brought  with  them  their  own  political  and  social 
institutions,  arid  these  they  retained  with  but  little 
change.  The  implements  of  warfare  used  by  the  con- 
quered people,  and  many  of  the  arts  they  practised, 
were  to  a  considerable  degree  adopted  by  the  invaders, 
as  being  superior  to  their  own;  the  religious  rites  of 
the  Dorians  seem  to  have  been  welded  together  with 
the  rites  which  they  found  and  retained.  To  such 
amalgamations  of  different  elements  the  Greek  people 
owed  the  excellence  of  their  later  civilisation. 

One   of   the   curious   phenomena   of    language   is   the 

variety   of    expressions   which   may   be   used    with   but 

(a)  Aggiome-  sliSht    difference    of    meaning.       Not     only 

ration  and       phrases,  but  single  words  are  often  duplicated 

Assimilation   jn   several   synonyms.      In   the   case   of  the 

anguages.  }anguages  of  modern  Europe  this  phenomenon 

is  very  easily  explained;  for  the  various  expressions  for 

1  E.  Meyer,  Geschichte  des  Alterthums,  Band  II.  Zwcites  Buch. 


216  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

one  idea  can  often  be  directly  traced  to  some  local  usage, 
or  to  elements  of  the  language  which  seem  farther  apart 
in  their  origin.  The  real  question  is,  not  why  the  words 
or  phrases  mean  much  the  same  thing,  but  why  they  have 
been  retained  in  the  resulting  language,  when  their  mean- 
ing was  so  nearly  alike.  The  very  great  number  of  nearly 
synonymous  roots  in  Semitic  languages  can  but  be  due 
to  the  same  source,  viz.,  the  different  original  elements 
out  of  which  the  language  has  arisen;  and  the  main  differ- 
ence between  these  languages  and  the  Indo-European 
consists  merely  in  the  fact  that  they  retained  so  many 
roots  with  nearly  identical  meaning.  An  early  step  in 
this  process  may  be  found  in  the  languages  of  the  very 
lowest  races.  Here  a  great  abundance  of  roots  exist 
for  the  few  concrete  objects  which  require  names,  while 
there  is  little  or  no  connection  between  the  roots  de- 
noting similar  objects  among  tribes  a  little  way  apart. 
The  examination  of  languages  in  use  at  different  stages 
of  culture  suggests  that  agglomeration  and  assimilation 
are  a  most  important  process  in  the  development  of 
language. 

Different  elements  of  language  share  the  same  tenden- 
cies to  persistence  and  assimilation  which  mark  all 
Tendency  social  institutions.  When  two  languages 
to  Persistence  come  together,  they  never  fail  to  coalesce, 

and  though  the  process  may  be  gradual,  and  social 

Assimilation. 


geographical  lines  in  separating  the  languages.1  This 
process  is  not  a  single  one,  for  each  element  in  each 
language  tends  to  persist,  and  exerts  its  influence  on 
the  result.  Naturally  the  sentence-structure,  and  the 
vocabulary,  and  the  modes  of  inflection  of  either  language 
will  not  have  each  the  same  influence,  and  the  result  may 
be  a  highly  complex  combination.  Thus  the  Babylonian 
language  is  analysed  into  several  components  ;  the  mode 

1  The  persistence  of  French  and  Saxon  elements  in  different  strata  of 
the  English  people  has  been  noted,  for  instance,  in  Scott's  Ivanhoe. 


PROCESSES  OF  SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENT.      217 

of  writing  is  said  to  be  Accadian  in  origin,  the  sentence- 
structure  is  Semitic,  and  the  vocabulary  includes  words 
from  both  sources. 

In  explaining  the  development  of  language,  the  im- 
portance of  the  process  of  agglomeration  and  assimilation 
This  Process  mus^  n°t  De  overlooked.  At  least  the  more 
m  the  important  differences  between  the  various 

Development  elements  of  a  language  are  due  to  different 

anguage.  sources       jn   tne  rjcn  an(j   varied   speech  of 

modern  civilisation,  the  results  of  this  process  may  be 
preserved  intact,  so  that  they  are  easily  traceable;  but 
the  process  was  no  less  important  in  earlier  times.  When 
two  uncivilised  languages  come  together,  the  same  sound 
may  preserve  the  very  different  meanings  which  had 
been  assigned  to  it.  in  each  of  these  languages,  and  often- 
times what  we  call  the  general  meaning  of  the  word  is 
the  result  of  more  definite  meanings  modifying  each 
other.  Suppose  a  language  dispersed  with  the  tribes  who 
speak  it,  from  a  common  centre.  Each  group  will  adopt 
elements  entirely  new  from  the  languages  with  which  it 
comes  in  contact,  and  its  own  vocabulary  and  structure 
will  be  gradually  modified  by  the  influence  of  these 
languages.  For  instance,  in  the  matter  of  vocabulary, 
the  old  word-meanings  will  be  slightly  deflected,  both 
by  words  of  similar  sound,  and  by  slight  differences  in 
the  ideas  which  the  words  originally  expressed.  In  this 
way  many  of  the  differences  between  the  dialects  of  a 
language,  originally  one,  may  be  explained ;  and,  by 
means  of  this  process,  each  language  is  constantly  en- 
riched by  the  elements  which  it  incorporates  into  itself. 

Turning  to  the  history  of  religion,  we  find  that  there 
is  very  much  more  to  be  explained  than  the  mere  fact 
(b)  A  lm-  ^ia^  khe  religions  of  different  races  are  not 
ration  in  the  the  same.  The  religion  of  any  civilised  people 
History  of  is  a  very  complex  matter,  and  elements  from 
Eeligion.  different  sources  may  be  traced  in  the  religion 
as  well  as  in  the  language  of  such  a  people.  The  history 


218  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

of  early  Greek  religion  tells  of  a  persistent  tendency  to 
adopt  religious  beliefs  and  practices  from  Phenicia,  from 
Thrace,  from  Asia  Minor,  and  from  Egypt.  The  Roman 
Empire  followed  the  example  of  Babylon  and  of  earlier 
states  in  Egypt,  when  it  adopted  the  gods  of  Italy  and 
of  the  conquered  nations  as  members  of  its  own  pantheon. 
It  is  customary  to  trace  the  complex  forms  of  modern 
Christian  belief  and  practice  back  to  three  main  sources ; 
the  influences  of  Palestine,  of  Greece,  and  of  Eome,  but 
each  nation  which  has  accepted  Christianity  has  in  some 
measure  modified  its  form,  and  within  its  catholic  faith 
may  be  traced  survivals  of  many  primitive  forms  of 
religion.  The  complex  character  of  civilised  religions 
suggests  (i)  that  they  contain  elements  which  differ 
radically  because  they  came  from  different  sources,  and 
(2)  that  forms  of  religious  faith  and  practice  have  a 
remarkable  power  of  persistence. 

In  fact  the  interaction  of  heterogeneous  elements  in 
religion  and  the  fusion  of  these  elements  into  new  and 
Fusion  of  more  complex  forms  is  almost  the  whole 
Beiigious  content  of  the  external  history  of  worship. 
Forms.  The  objects  with  which  the  idea  of  God  is 
associated,  often  show  the  traces  of  this  process.  Some 
of  the  composite  idols  of  India  may  be  readily  analysed 
into  their  component  parts.  The  gods  of  the  developed 
Greek  religion  contain  elements  derived  from  local  cults 
all  over  Greece,  as  well  as  many  elements  from  foreign 
sources,  and  all  the  imagination  of  the  Greek  people 
failed  to  give  them  a  clearly  defined  unity.  A  similar 
process  of  fusion  may  be  followed  in  the  development  of 
belief  in  a,  future  life  with  its  rewards  and  punishments. 
Persian,  and  Babylonian,  and  perhaps  Egyptian  ideas 
seem  to  have  affected  later  Jewish  conceptions,  and  in 
the  early  church  these  were  profoundly  modified  by 
Greek  lines  of  thought.  Again,  the  same  spot  has  often 
served  as  a  holy  place'  for  a  heathen  temple,  a  Christian 
church,  and  a  Mohammedan  mosque ;  and  not  infrequently 


PROCESSES  OF  SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENT.      219 

much  the  same  rites  have  been  practised  there  from  time 
immemorial,  with  only  the  adoption  of  some  new  elements 
as  the  religion  nominally  changed.  The  more  careful 
study  of  religious  history  contirms  the  impression  that 
the  different  factors  of  religion  have  a  wonderful  power 
of  persistence,  and  that  differences  in  the  forms  of  a 
religion  are  in  large  measure  due  to  an  original  difference 
of  the  religions  which  have  gone  before  it. 

Finally,  the  effort  to  discover  the  reason  for  religious 
development  leads  the«student  back  to  the  same  line  of 
Hetero-  thought.  New  forms  of  religious  belief  and 
geneity  the  practice  are  due  to  the  conjunction  of  earlier 
Condition  of  forms ;  the  forms  which  we  are  wont  to  call 
Progress.  higher,  arise  through  the  interaction  of  forms 
that  seem  to  us  more  crude.  All  the  great  ethnic 
religions  of  the  world,  like  all  the  civilisations  with 
which, they  were  associated,  are  the  product  of  epochs 
and  of  countries  where  there  was  a  vigorous  interaction 
of  different  ethnic  elements.  The  development  of  new 
and  higher  forms  of  thought  and  of  life  in  Christianity 
itself  may  be  traced  to  external  stimulating  influences  of 
the  same  sort.  The  agglomeration  and  fusion  of  different 
elements  is  not  only  the  cause  of  complexity,  but  the 
condition  of  genuine  progress.1 

In  the  record  of  the  development  of  the  race  and  of 
its  civilisation,  the  process  which  we  have  just  been 
p  f  considering  stands  beside  the  process  of  dis- 

Agglomera-  persion  and  differentiation.  Alone  it  is  no 
tion  and  adequate  explanation  of  human  progress,  but 
Assimilation:  ft  js  a  process  ever  going  on  as  one  phase  of 
Conclusion.  ,  t  .  ,  ,  rl  •  t  •  •  i 

this  development.     It  involves  two  principles. 

(i)  Physical  and  psychical  characteristics  tend  to  persist 
indefinitely.  (2)  These  characteristics  are  modified  in- 

1  No  student  will  regard  the  process  of  agglomeration  just  described 
as  a  satisfactory  explanation  of  progress.  It  is  only  the  condition  of 
development  and  progress.  Least  of  all  can  the  different  elements  that 
have  entered  into  Christianity  be  regarded  as  the  final  explanation  of  the 
higher  religious  faith  and  life. 


220  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

definitely  by  the  contact  of  race  with  race,  but  each 
constituent  element  exercises  its  influence  in  the  forma- 
tion of  the  new  product.  Consequently,  physical  and 
psychical  differences  in  developed  civilisation  are,  in  the 
main,  due  (a)  to  different  sources  from  which  the  product 
is  derived,  and  (&)  to  new  types  which  may  have  arisen 
by  the  combination  of  elements  originally  distinct. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

NATUEAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN   SOCIETY. 

THE  processes  in  the  development  of  human  society  which 
have  thus  far  been  discussed,  give  little  or  no  clue  to  the 
The  Real  nature  of  the  forces  at  work  to  produce  this 
Nature  of  development.  We  may  show  that  there  is  a 
Progress.  unity  between  the  present  of  society  and  its 
past ;  that  social  relations  are  becoming  more  complex, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  extending  more  widely;  that  a 
process  of  dispersion  and  differentiation,  as  well  as  a 
process  of  amalgamation,  may  be  discovered  by  analysing 
the  course  of  social  development;  but,  even  if  these 
receive  the  name  of  "  laws,"  they  do  not  indicate  the 
real  nature  of  the  fact  to  be  explained.  A  race  does 
change  when  placed  in  a  different  environment ;  races  do 
modify  each  other  when  they  come  in  contact.  But  what 
has  this  to  do  with  progress  ? 

In  the  study  of  organisms,  a  set  of  facts  quite  similar 
to  those  just  enumerated  had  long  been  somewhat  familiar 
„  to  biologists,  and  the  conclusion  that  organic 

Biological      species  had  arisen  by  a  process  of  development 
Theory  of      had  more  than  once  been  suggested ;    but  it 
remained   for   the    discoverer   of    the   law   of 
natural  selection  to  show  the  meaning  of  these 
facts,  and  thus  to  give  a  reasonable  account  of  biological 
evolution.      Popular  ideas  of  evolution  and  the  struggle 
for  existence  are  so  vague,  that  it  is  necessary  to  outline 
this   theory   before   attempting   to   apply   it   to    human 
society.      The  accepted  theory  of   natural  selection  may 


222  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

be  stated  in  three  propositions,  (a)  Organisms  tend  to 
multiply  in  some  geometrical  ratio,  so  that  far  greater 
numbers  are  produced  than  can  find  means  of  subsistence, 
(Z>)  Offspring  are  essentially  like  their  parents ;  never- 
theless, they  differ  somewhat  from  either  parent,  and 
from  each  other.  (c)  In  the  competition  with  other 
organisms  for  the  means  of  subsistence,  those  members 
of  a  given  species  which  are  best  adapted  to  meet 
existing  conditions  will  survive,  and  leave  more  abundant 
offspring.  The  survival  of  the  more  fit  is  the  key  to 
development.  These  propositions  need  but  a  few  words 
of  explanation. 

The  theory  of  evohition  starts  with  the  fact  that  the 
normal  rate  of  increase  for  any  organism  is  such  that 
(a)  Multipli-  the  number  of  offspring  exceeds  the  number 
cation  of  of  the  parents,  and  that  this  increase  tends 
Organisms.  ^0  j^  perpetuated.  "  There  is  no  exception 
to  the  rule  that  every  organic  being  increases  at  so 
high  a  rate,  that  if  not  destroyed,  the  earth  would  soon 
be  covered  by  the  progeny  of  a  single  pair."  "The 
elephant  is  reckoned  the  slowest  breeder  of  all  known 
animals  ,  .  at  its  probable  minimum  of  natural 

increase  ....  after  a  period  of  from  740  to  750  years, 
there  would  be  nearly  19,000,000  elephants  alive, 
descended  from  the  first  pair,"  in  case  each  individual 
lived  the  normal  length  of  life.1  Such  calculations  show 
very  clearly  that  the  actual  numbers  of  any  given  species 
do  not  depend  on  the  normal  number  of  its  progeny, 
but  rather  on  the  conditions  of  life  to  which  it  is  subject. 
The  necessary  result  of  this  rate  of  increase  is  a  direct 
or  indirect  competition  between  members  of  the  same 
species,  as  well  as  between  members  of  different  species ; 
and  the  more  rapid  the  rate  of  increase,  the  larger  the 
number  of  individuals  who  perish  in  this  competition. 

The  very  existence   of   fixed  species   depends  on  the 

1  Darwin,  Origin  of  Species,  6th  ed.  p.  51.     Cf.  Wallace,  On  Natural 
Selection,  pp.  29-205. 


NATURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY.  223 

familiar  fact  that  offspring  resemble  their  parents.     This 

(b]  Heredit     resemblance    would    be    even    clearer,    except 
and  Varia-     that  the  characteristics  of  either  parent  seem 
bility  of        to  appear  indifferently  and  in  new  combina- 
Organisms.    ationg   in   the   child)  while  characteristics  of 

more  remote  ancestors  may  reappear  after  being  latent 
for  several  generations.  A  general  permanence  of  type 
is  guaranteed  by  the  fact  that  features  of  the  type  which 
may  be  lacking  in  one  parent  are  ordinarily  present  in 
the  other ;  and  again,  by  the  lack  of  fertility  which  is 
common  when  both '  parents  vary  much  from  the .  type. 
With  this  relative  permanence  of  type  is  always  asso- 
ciated some  variation  between  even  the  offspring  of  the 
same  parents.  The  different  characteristics  of  the  two 
parents  combine  to  produce  entirely  new  characteristics. 
It  has  often  been  maintained  that  the  "  law  "  of  use  and 
disuse  affects  these  variations ;  but  whatever  their  source, 
the  fact  of  variations  is  evident  to  every  observer.  "  Every 
organ,  every  character,  every  feeling  is  individual ;  that  is 
to  say,  varies  from  the  same  organ,  character,  or  feeling  in 
every  other  individual." 1  In  this  variation  is  found  the 
possibility  of  selection  and  of  progress. 

Struggle  is  both  the  law  of  life  and  the  law  of  progress. 

The  organism  stands  in  a  sort  of  antithesis  to  nature, 

and  its  life  is  a  constant  assertion  of  partial 

(c)  10  ogica  jnc[epenc[ence  over  against  the  forces  of  nature, 

both  inanimate  and  animate.  This  correspond- 
ence with  environment  includes  adaptation  to  physical 
conditions  of  land,  climate,  &c. ;  power  to  secure  nourish- 
ment; power  of  defence  against  other  organisms;  power 
of  propagation.  In  each  relation  the  individual  must 
maintain  itself,  and  that  better  than  its  rivals.  Placed 

1  "Wallace,  On  Natural  Selection,  p.  266.  On  pp.  287-290,  the  uni- 
versality of  this  law  of  variation  is  widely  illustrated  for  plants  and 
animals.  "The  experience  of  all  cultivators  of  plants  and  breeders  of 
animals  shows  that  when  a  sufficient  number  of  individuals  are  examined, 
variations  of  any  required  kind  can  always  be  met  with."  Cf.  Origin  of 
Species,  ch.  i.  ii. 


224  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY, 

in  competition  with  other  organisms,  it  must  not  simply 
adapt  itself  to  physical  conditions,  but  so  adapt  itseli 
as  to  survive  when  others  fall ;  it  must  be  endowed  with 
power  to  secure  sufficient  nourishment  more  easily  than 
its  competitors;  it  must  be  able  to  defend  itself  from 
attack,  either  directly  by  weapons,  or  indirectly  by  power 
to  escape,  or  finally,  it  must  meet  attack  by  producing 
offspring  in  such  numbers  that  some  may  escape. 
"Struggle"  may  hardly  seem  the  word  to  express  the 
relation  of  one  plant  to  another,  and  yet  the  metaphor 
is  hardly  forced,  when  the  fact  is  that  the  plant  perishes, 
unless  it  meets  present  conditions  better  than  its  com- 
petitors.1 

Combining  these  three  points,  it  is  evident  that  the 
immense  destruction  of  life  resulting  from  the  lavish 
Biological  production  of  life  for  a  limited  region  is  con- 
Survival  of  stantly  a  destruction  of  those  less  fitted  to 
the  Fittest.  meet  existing  conditions.  The  fittest  survive, 
and  useful  variations  are  multiplied  by  the  same  forces 
that  originally  preserved  them.  In  the  so-called  conflict 
with  inanimate  nature,  such  varieties  will  survive  as 
are  fitted  to  meet  these  material  conditions;  and  where 
the  number  of  contending  varieties  is  considerable,  fitness 
to  material  conditions  is  constantly  increased  by  weeding 
out  the  less  fit.  In  the  biological  world,  organisms  must 
be  able  to  secure  themselves  against  the  attack  of  other 
organisms;  in  this  form  of  conflict,  the  less  vigorous, 
the  weaker  in  combat,  the  slower,  the  less  cunning, 
perish,  while  those  better  able  to  defend  themselves  are 
the  ones  that  survive  and  propagate  their  kind.  Finally, 
within  the  same  species,  the  struggle  for  females  and 
sexual  selection  is  only  second  to  the  forms  of  selection 
just  mentioned.  The  law  of  biological  evolution  is  the 
continual  lavish  production  of  life,  and  the  multiform 
struggle,  in  which  the  weak  perish,  while  the  strong 
survive  and  propagate  their  kind. 

1  Origin  of  Species,  chap.  iii. 


NATURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY.    225 

It  is  evident  that  even  in  the  purely  biological  sphere 
these  factors  are  not  co-ordinate,  and  are  subject  to 
Modificati  modifying  influences.  Sexual  selection  is  not 
of  the  determined  on  the  basis  of  physical  strength 

Biological  or  cunning  alone,  and  it  may  often  work  at 
variance  with  this.  The  gregarious  instinct 
is  a  very  important  modifying  factor.  In  the  case  of 
species  which  have  developed  this  instinct,  it  may 
altogether  outweigh  individual  strength ;  it  may  even 
oppose  the  development  of  individual  strength,  when 
individualism  is  at  variance  with  the  needs  of  the  flock. 
So  the  family  instinct  changes  the  working  of  natural 
selection  as  soon  as  it  gains  any  strength.  In  general, 
the  young  of  birds  and  mammals  are  not  exposed  to  the 
full  force  of  conflict  till  after  some  weeks  or  even  months 
of  protection ;  and  until  that  time,  it  is  the  whole  family 
which  as  a  unit  enters  into  the  struggle  for  existence. 
Such  modifying  influences  break  the  force  of  struggle  for 
the  individual,  and  change  the  conditions  of  life  for  the 
species,  by  bringing  larger  units,  groups  or  families,  into 
competition.  It  is  however  merely  a  change  of  the 
conditions  of  struggle,  a  change  in  the  meaning  of  what 
is  fit,  not  the  cessation  of  the  struggle  for  existence.  In 
view  of  these  and  other  modifying  factors,  it  is  often 
convenient  to  consider  the  real  struggle  from  an  ideal 
standpoint,  and  to  speak  of  it  as  a  competition  of  types, 
rather  than  a  contest  of  individuals. 

The  word  "  fittest,"  as  well  as  the  word  "  struggle,"  has  led 
to  much  misunderstanding.  In  the  actual  struggle  for  exist- 
ence, what  seems  most  beautiful,  what  is  best  adapted  for  man's 
rise,  what  even  seems  highest,  are  by  no  means  sure  to  be 
preserved.  The  weed  has  a  great  advantage  over  the  wheat, 
the  English  sparrow  over  the  thrush,  because  they  are  best 
adapted  to  given  conditions.  But  with  changes  in  conditions 
and  the  constant  introduction  of  new  competitors,  useful 
variations  are  always  preserved.  In  the  accumulation  of 
variations  in  all  sorts  of  different  directions,  lies  the  possibility 
of  the  more  complex  organisms  which  are  commonly  called 
higher. 


226  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

In  the  case  of  man,  the  factors  which  modify  the 
simple  working  of  biological  law  become  far  more  im- 
portant, so  that  its  whole  character  is  changed. 
^  these  factors,  three  deserve  special  con- 
struggle  for  sideration.  Social  units  are  more  numerous, 

Existence  in  1110re   compact,   and   more   lasting,  than    any 

the  case  of  . 

Man  gregarious  groups  among  animals ;    with  the 

growth  of  society,  competition  is  limited  less 
by  territorial  lines,  and  more  by  new  lines  between 
differentiated  forms  of  activity;  and,  thirdly,  struggle 
and  survival  are  raised  gradually  out  of  the  physical 
into  the  psychical  sphere. 

Even   among  animals,   gregarious   habits    modify   the 
simple  action  of  natural  selection.     Birds  which  migrate 

together,  fish  that  swim  in  shoals,  protect 
1.  The  Unity  , , &  ,  ,  , ,  .  , 

of  the  Social  themselves  by  their  very  numbers;  and  when 

Group  as  a     the   chamois,  or  the   buffalo   on   the   western 

Modifying  plains,  set  a  sentinel  to  watch  while  the  herd 
Factor. 

grazes,  the  group  protects  itself   as   a   whole 

more  successfully.  The  groups  among  least  civilised 
men  are  ordinarily  more  closely  bound  together  than  in 
the  case  of  any  animals,  and  they  enter  as  a  whole  into 
the  struggle  for  existence. 

The  less  civilised  Indians  formerly  inhabiting  the 
Pacific  coast  of  North  America,  like  the  lower  races 
in  South  Africa  or  Australia,  lived  in  clans, 
the  Family  an(^  ^e  clan-relationships  were  the  most  sacred 
thing  in  life.  Within  the  clan  there  was  some 
competition  between  individuals,  but  the  real  struggle  for 
existence  was  the  effort  of  the  clan  as  a  whole  to  secure 
food,  and  to  protect  itself  from  physical  evils  and  attack 
by  man  or  beast.  As  the  family  became  more  stable,  till 
it  could  be  called  the  very  basis  of  human  society,  its 
close  union  shielded  its  members  from  the  real  brunt 
of  the  struggle  of  life.  The  family  as  a  whole  seeks 
protection  for  itself  from  cold  and  wet,  and  from  attack ; 
all  unite  to  protect  and  cherish  the  weakest  member,  so 


NATURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY.     227 

that  the  only  world  in  which  he  lives  is  the  world  made 
by  the  family.  The  family  (chap,  viii.)  has  been  shown  to 
be  the  normal  unit  in  economic  life,  in  social  life,  and 
even  in  the  state.  In  these  different  forms  of  activity, 
families,  or  heads  of  families,  are  the  acting  units,  and 
selection  is  primarily  a  selection  of  the  family  best 
adapted  to  given  conditions. 

Or  again,  the  local  community,  town  or  city,  developing 
as  it  does  a  considerable  degree  of  common  life,  has  to 
The  Town  in  meet  the  conditions  of  life  to  which  it  is 
the  struggle  subject  as  a  whole.  A  strong  and  genuine 
for  Existence.  municipal  life  is  a  guarantee  of  security  to 
the  citizens,  it  enables  the  city  to  prosecute  public  works 
easily  and  cheaply  for  the  comfort  of  the  citizens,  it  is 
a  primary  condition  in  making  the  city  desirable  for 
large  manufacturing  and  business  concerns;  in  a  word, 
the  true  city  protects  its  citizens  from  many  phases  of 
the  struggle  for  existence  when  it  proves  its  power  to 
meet  successfully  the  conditions  of  its  municipal  life. 
The  community  competes  with  other  communities,  and 
the  "  more  fit "  survives ;  thus  a  part  of  the  struggle  for 
existence  is  taken  off  from  individuals. 

The  actual  competition  between  communities  is  often  ob- 
scured by  the  complexity  of  these  relations,  and  the  slowness 
with  which  its  results  appear.  The  reports  as  to  the  way 
inhabitants  of  Basel  moved  elsewhere  to  escape  an  odious 
income  tax,  and  of  the  withdrawal  of  investments  from  the 
State  of  Colorado  from  fear  of  Populist  rule,  so  far  as  the 
reports  are  true,  illustrate  the  form  that  competition  may  take. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  discuss  all  the  peculiar  forms  of 
social  groups  that  arise  in  the  economic  life,  the  political 

Competition  life>  or  the  distinctly  psychical  life  of  society, 
of  Groups  for  in  each  case  the  same  principle  holds  good. 
Modifies  Groups  compete,  the  factory,  or  bank,  or  school, 
°f  or  political  party  that  is  best  adapted  to  exist- 
ing conditions  wins  in  this  struggle ;  and  the 
individual  is  only  a  common  soldier  in  the  successful  or 


228  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

defeated  army.  Within  the  group  the  individual  com- 
petes with  his  companions,  but  in  the  world  at  large  the 
man  has  few  battles  to  fight  alone,  for  it  is  a  contest  of 
group  with  group.  The  conditions  to  which  the  survivor 
is  best  adapted,  are  no  longer  primarily  physical,  nor  are 
they  psychical  in  the  narrow  sense  of  the  word;  the 
conditions  are  social,  and  the  man  is  ever  being  "  selected," 
who  is  best  adapted  to  the  new  life  in  society. 

The  second  important  change  in  the  working  of  natural 
selection  is  also  a  direct  result  of  social  development. 
2  ,•  Among  animals  the  struggle  for  existence  is 

limiting  narrowly  limited  by  territorial  lines.,  The 
struggle  are  thistle  and  the  grass  compete  for  the  same 
no  longer  -.  Q£  groun(j .  foocj  an(j  climate  determine 

Territorial. 

for    a    given    locality   the   animals   that    can 

flourish  there.  The  growth  of  human  society  is  a 
constant  breaking  down  of  territorial  limitations,  and 
with  all  that  the  state  may  do  to  "  protect "  its  precious 
industries  or  to  erect  Chinese  walls  about  its  ancient 
institutions,  it  is  no  longer  able  to  shut  off  its  life  from 
the  current  of  the  world's  life.  The  old  territorial  lines 
are  succeeded  by  far  more  complex  lines  of  limitation 
that  arise  in  the  development  of  the  social  structure 
itself.  The  struggle  for  social  position  is  between  com- 
paratively few  competitors,  cut  off  from  the  rest  of  the 
world  by  lines  above  and  below.  The  economic  structure, 
which  stands  between  human  needs  and  the  source  from 
which  these  needs  are  to  be  met,  illustrates  the  point 
even  more  clearly.  The  effort  of  the  tribe,  and  much 
later  of  the  feudal  household,  to  supply  the  needs  of  its 
members,  has  been  transformed  into  a  manifold  com- 
petitive activity  in  which  the  whole  world  is  involved. 

With  the  disappearance  of  local  lines,  new  lines  of 
kind  limit  competition  to  a  considerable  degree.  The 
individual  iron-worker  competes  primarily  only  with  a 
limited  number  of  men  who  know  how  to  perform  the 
same  task  in  the  manufacture  of  iron  products.  The 


NATURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY.    229 

miner  in  Pennsylvania  competes  with  those  who  have 
the  same  skill;  and  the  faet  of  distance  has  so  little 
weight  that  men  with  the  same  skill  in  Wales  or 
Hungary  may  underbid  him  for  his  position.  The 
successful  candidate  for  one  chair  in  a  German  university 
is  an  American,  for  another,  an  Englishman  born  in 
South  Africa.  In  the  art-world  of  Rome  or  Paris  men 
of  every  nationality  meet  on  all  but  equal  terms.  In 
the  world  of  thought  and  of  art,  as,  indeed,  in  the 
political  world,  the  local  lines  of  struggle  are  largely 
supplanted  by  new  lines  of  kind. 

The  third  important  factor  modifying  the  simple 
working  of  natural  selection,  is  the  fact  that  the  main 
3  Import-  source  °f  strength,  and  the  standard  of  fitness 
ance  of  as  well,  are  no  longer  physical  but  psychical. 
Eeason  as  a  Gradually  physical  struggle  is  being  supplanted 
nnS  by  competition  on  psychical  lines.  The  con- 
flict with  nature  is  entirely  transformed  by 
man's  power  of  invention ;  obstacles  and  hindrances  are 
overcome  by  the  power  of  reason,  and  are  even  utilised 
for  human  ends;  the  forces  of  nature  are  harnessed  to 
do  man's  work  for  him.  With  the  new  psychical  develop- 
ment of  imitation,  gains  like  these  are  passed  on  from 
place  to  place  and  from  generation  to  generation.  Love 
of  association  is  developed  into  new  and  higher  sentiment, 
and  the  new  bonds  of  union  no  outside  force  can  break. 
Habits  become  in  man  the  foundation  of  character; 
when  the  infinite  worth  of  moral  character  is  once 
recognised,  new  ends  demand  the  energy  of  the  man  and 
the  social  group,  and  struggle  that  is  really  social  becomes 
an  ethical  struggle  directed  towards  ethical  ends.  In 
fact  all  distinct  and  conscious  recognition  of  the  future, 
all  effort  to  direct  present  activity  in  view  of  purposed 
ends,  is  the  work  of  human  reason  modifying  the  simple 
struggle  for  existence.  It  has  indeed  been  argued  by  Mr. 
Benjamin  Kidd  in  a  recent  volume,  that  inasmuch  as 
man's  reason  (i.e.  his  self-interest)  affords  no  sanction  for 


230  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

the  sacrifice  of  the  individual  for  the  good  of  the  race, 
reason  only  tends  to  check  the  operation  of  natural 
selection.  A  larger  view  of  man's  reason,  recognising 
that  each  gain  in  psychical  power  binds  him  more  closely 
to  his  fellows,  and  impels  him  to  work  in  and  for  society, 
would  have  prevented  this  error.  The  presence  of  reason 
entirely  changes  the  form  and  sphere  of  natural  selection, 
but  the  fact  remains. 

The  result  of  these  new  factors,  modifying  the  simple 
force  of  natural  struggle  and  selection,  can  hardly  be  over- 
estimated. John  Fiske  (Destiny  of  Man,  p.  96) 
the  struggle  l°°ks  forward  to  the  elimination  of  physical 
for  Existence  strife,  and  claims  that  this  "  means  that  the 
which  these  universal  struggle  for  existence,  having  sue- 
new  actors  ceec[e(j  jn  bringing  forth  that  consummate 
make. 

product  of  creative  energy,  the  human  soul, 

has  done  its  work,  and  will-  presently  cease."  Darwin 
touches  this  question,  at  the  close  of  his  epoch-making 
book,1  in  the  following  words : — "  Important  as  the 
struggle  for  existence  has  been,  and  even  still  is,  yet 
as  far  as  the  highest  part  of  man's  nature  is  concerned, 
there  are  other  agencies  more  important.  For  the  moral 
qualities  are  advanced,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  much 
more  through  the  effect  of  habit,  the  reasoning  powers, 
instruction,  religion,  &c.,  than  through  natural  selection." 

The  change  which  Mr.  Fiske,  like  Mr.  Darwin  be- 
fore him,  has  sought  to  signalise  by  limiting  the  phrase 
natural  selection  to  the  lower,  physical  plane,  is  indeed 
one  of  the  greatest  importance.  The  competing  units 
are  of  an  entirely  different  type,  the  lines  limiting 
struggle  and  selection  have  altered,  the  power  of  reason 
and  all  that  it  implies  have  entirely  changed  the  plane 
of  struggle ;  consequently  the  manner  in  which  the  fittest 
survive  can  no  longer  be  the  same;  still,  I  believe, 
struggle  remains  as  the  very  condition  of  life  and 
progress. 

1  Descent  of  Man,  ed.  2,  p.  618. 


NA  TURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY.     231 

The  only  case  in  which  struggle  seems  to  be  eliminated  is 
found  in  a  few  communities  where  two  conditions  are  approxi- 
mately fulfilled — (a)  isolation  from  all  the  rest  of  the  world, 
and  (b)  such  a  social  crystallisation  that  each  person  accepts 
his  definite  position  in  the  community  with  no  thought  of  any 
competition  with  others. 

Much  as  the  struggle  for  existence  may  be  modified 
in  the  case  of  man,  it  is  hardly  conceivable  that  it  should 
Natural  no^  aPPear  here,  so  long  as  the  same  conditions 
Selection  are  present  alike  in  the  animal  world  and  in 
in  Human  the  distinctly  human  world.  In  considering 
natural  selection  as  the  principle  of  social 
development,  I  desire  to  show  (a)  that  the  conditions 
which  produce  struggle  and  compel  selection  in  the 
biological  world  are  found  in  the  world  of  human  society ; 
(b)  that  here  also  struggle  is  the  necessary  result  of 
these  conditions,  and  that  it  is  growing  keener,  rather 
than  tending  to  disappear;  and  (c)  that  the  consequent 
selection  is  at  the  basis  of  social  development.1 

The  condition  of  struggle  is  multiplication — multipli- 
cation so  rapid  that  the  individual  must  vindicate  his 
A.  The  place  in  the  world  by  superiority  to  corn- 

Bioiogical       panions  for  whom  there  is  no  place.      The 

Conditions 

of  struggle     conditions    of    selection    are    heredity    with 

vand  Selection,  variability,  and  a  struggle  in  which  only  the 
selected  strong  survive.  Variability  is  necessary,  that 
there  may  be  varieties  between  which  to  select ;  heredity, 
that  the  selected  variations  may  be  preserved,  'and 
become  the  starting-point  of  other  useful  variations. 
For  organisms  proper,  struggle,  and  selection,  and  pro- 
gress, are  the  necessary  outcome  of  these  conditions. 
In  so  far  as  the  same  conditions  are  present  in  human 
society,  the  result  is  necessarily  the  same — struggle, 
selection,  and  progress  through  selection. 

Man  is  an  animal,  though  "  a  spark  of  divinity  dwell 
in  his  frame  of  dust " ;  and  as  an  animal,  he  is  subject 

1  The  second  and  third  points  are  discussed  in  the  next  chapter. 


232  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

to  the  laws  governing  animal  organisms.  His  rate  of 
The  M  it'  increase  ig  said  to  be  slower  than  that  of  any 
plication  of  other  animal ;  but  "  even  slow-breeding  man 
Man  follows  has  doubled  in  twenty-five  years,  and  at  this 
rate,  in  less  than  a  thousand  years,  there  would 
literally  not  be  standing-room  for  his  progeny."1 
Statistics  quoted  in  an  earlier  chapter  (chapter  ii.  p.  55) 
prove  that  the  rate  is  normally  high  enough  to  exert 
constant  pressure  on  the  food  supply.  Where  this  is 
not  the  case,  the  race  degenerates;  where  this  is  not 
the  case  in  a  given  class  in  society,  that  class  must  be 
recruited  constantly  from  other  classes,  or  it  loses  its 
social  position. 

Mr.  Galton,  Hereditary  Genius,  p.  340,  has  shown  theoreti- 
cally the  doom  of  any  class  which  multiplies  less  rapidly  than 
the  rest  of  the  community.  Other  observers  in  France  and 
Germany  find  that,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  higher  classes  in 
any  form  of  social  activity  are  only  maintained  by  constant 
recruits  "selected"  from  the  lower  classes. 

In  a  word,  the  same  set  of  facts  are  found  here  as  in 
the  case  of  the  other  animals ;  and  here  also  the  necessary 
consequence  of  rapid  multiplication  is  struggle  for  exist- 
ence. I  need  hardly  add  that  progress  is  not  favoured 
by  an  abnormally  rapid  rate  of  increase,  either  in  the 
case  of  man  or  of  animals ;  natural  selection  itself  favours 
the  race  that  multiplies  just  rapidly  enough  to  produce 
a  healthy  struggle.  For  man,  as  for  some  of  the  stronger 
animals,  the  rate  is  low  enough  so  that  relatively  few 
actually  perish  in  the  struggle  for  existence. 

In  like  manner,  the  laws  of  heredity  and  variation  are 

the  same  for  man  as  for  any  other  creature.     Offspring 

f        tend  to  be  like  their  parents;  differences  in 

Heredity  in   the  two   parents,   and   perhaps   other   causes, 

the  case  of     produce  an  indefinite  number  of  slight  varia- 

Man-  tions  in  every  child ;   such  variations  as  help 

the  child  to  meet    existing    conditions    are    preserved, 

1  Darwin,  Origin  of  Species,  p.  51. 


NA  TURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY.    233 

and  ultimately  increased.  Social  relationships,  and  in 
particular  the  human  family,  greatly  modify  the  results 
that  appear  under  these  laws.  The  greatest  change  in 
the  results,  however,  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the  environ- 
ment, with  reference  to  which  selection  is  made,  is 
primarily  social.  The  source  of  man's  strength  lies  in 
society;  the  variations  that  aid  him  in  the  struggle  for 
existence  are  mainly  psychical;  consequently,  physical 
variations  of  type  are  largely  overlooked,  and  have 
relatively  little  result  for  man.1 

The  multiplication  of  men,  who  are  obliged  to  compete 

for  place  and  food,  is  in  itself  enough  to  transform  every 

mode  of  social  activity  into  a  form  of  social 

Multiplica-  * 

tion  as  the  struggle.  In  the  economic  world,  constant  re- 
Cause  of  adjustments  in  view  of  varying  markets  and 
Social  new  macninery,  obscure  the  simple  facts  as 

to  the  relation  of  competition  and  population. 
It  is  clear,  however,  that  even  in  times  of  expansion 
and  for  the  lowest  positions  in  the  industrial  world, 
a  certain  degree  of  selection  is  possible.  Among  those 
who  are  at*  the  bottom  of  the  scale,  and  indeed  among 
the  men  in  any  one  economic  class,  natural  multi- 
plication is  ordinarily  rapid  enough  to  lead  to  struggle 
for  position.  Even  in  the  case  of  such  an  abnormally 
rapid  industrial  development  as  that  which  took  place  in 
England  during  the  first  half  of  the  present  century, 
population  followed  the  growth  of  industry  very  closely ; 
workers  multiplied  quite  as  rapidly  as  the  positions  to 
be  filled,  and  competition  became  keener,  rather  than 
less  severe. 

In  developed  human  society,  the  biological  factor  lead- 
ing to  struggle  is  far  less  apparent  than  the  social  factor, 
by  which  I  mean  man's  desire  to  secure  a  letter  social 
position,  in  order  that  he  may  better  satisfy  his  needs. 
Mr.  George  (quoted  by  Kidd,  Social  Evolution,  p.  259, 
n.  i)  says  of  man,  "He  is  the  only  animal  whose  desires 

1  Cf.  John  Fiske,  Destiny  of  Man,  pp.  58-66. 


234  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

increase  as  they  are  fed,  the  only  animal  that  is  never 
satisfied."  The  removal  of  barriers  between  social  classes 
has  gradually  extended  the  reach  of  social  ambition,  till 
it  has  no  more  limits,  except  the  power  of  the  individual's 
imagination.  The  masters  in  the  industrial  world  are,  for 
the  most  part,  men  of  far  vision  and  iron  will,  who  have 
striven  toward  a  distant  goal  till  it  came  within  their 
grasp.  In  "social"  life,  in  the  political  world,  natural 
multiplication  necessarily  leads  to  struggle ;  but  ambition 
for  "  social "  and  political  position  is  a  far  more  important 
factor  in  making  the  struggle  intense.  The  higher  any 
one  rises,  the  keener  the  struggle,  for  his  competitors 
have  tasted  success,  and  revealed  the  power  to  win,  and 
their  appetite  is  only  whetted  for  more.  The  social 
motive  to  struggle  increases  in  something  like  geometrical 
ratio;  the  contest  it  produces  in  the  higher  classes  is  often 
so  keen  as  to  stand  in  the  way  of  real  development. 

In  the  distinctly  psychical  forms  of  social  activity,  a 
constantly  increasing  number  of  men  seek  to  make  a 
Conditions  of  P^ace  ^ or  themselves.  Whatever  be  the  cause 
Struggle  in  that  so  large  a  number  seek  to  make  a 
Psychical  place  in  the  world  of  art,  or  of  science, 
Llfe'  or  again  in  the  so-called  learned  pro- 

fessions, an  increasing  number  of  individuals,  desiring 
to  attain  a  comparatively  limited  number  of  positions, 
must  meet  the  same  fate  as  the  units  that  multiply 
rapidly  in  the  biological  world.  Rapid  multiplication 
soon  results  in  a  struggle  for  existence,  in  which  the 
weaker  fall.  The  artists  and  the  lawyers  who  fail,  are 
simply  those  who  have  fallen  out  in  the  keen  struggle 
for  a  particular  kind  of  existence.  The  highly-educated 
German  musician,  who  earns  enough  by  copying  music 
to  pay  a  little  for  board  at  the  poor-house,  has  failed 
because  so  many  others,  in  some  respect  better  fitted 
than  he,  have  entered  the  lists  with  him,  and  made  the 
contest  too  severe.  Simple  multiplication  at  any  one 
point  must  lead  to  struggle ;  but  the  second  factor,  the 


NATURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY.     235 

desire  to  secure  a  better  position,  constantly  reinforces 
the  former,  and  its  power  increases  rapidly  as  society 
develops. 

The  second  condition  of  selection  in  the  world  of 
biology,  viz.,  heredity  and  variation,  must  also  be  fulfilled 
Heredity  and^ere'  ^  ^6  s^ruoo^e  tnus  produced  is  to  result 
Variation  in  real  selection  and  progress  in  the  social  world, 
in  the  The  laws  of  inheritance  apply  just  as  much 

Psychical  to  psychical  characteristics  as  to  physical ; 
qualities  that  aid  parents  in  the  forms  of  social 
struggle  are  preserved  and  intensified  in  their  descendants. 
In  a  stock  of  good  farmers  are  found  at  length  the 
qualities  demanded  by  their  occupation ;  and,  when 
natural  capacity  is  enforced  by  family  tradition,  the 
descendant  of  scholars  or  of  statesmen  may  excel  his 
parents  in  their  chosen  field.  So  many  forces  interfere 
with  simple  results  like  these,  that  their  existence  is 
often  denied.  The  family  of  Bach,  as  musicians,  of 
Adams,  as  statesmen,  seem  to  be  marked  exceptions. 
The  most  careful  investigation  discovers  that  psychical 
ability  has  antecedents;  that  a  family  gradually  lays 
the  foundation  of  industrial,  or  intellectual,  or  ethical 
greatness ;  although  in  its  very  success  are  many  elements 
that  threaten  continued  success. 

If  development  in  the  psychical  sphere  depended  on 
biological  heredity  to  preserve  what  had  been  won,  it  is 

hard  to  see  how  there  could  be  any  develop- 
Psychical 
Heredity        ment  at  all.     What  physical  heredity  fails  to 

do  is  accomplished  by  a  sort  of  psychical 
heredity.  The  son's  character  and  ability  depend  quite 
as  much  on  home  training  as  on  any  natural  gifts ;  the 
teacher's  enthusiasm  kindles  the  love  of  learning  in  some 
mind  which  will  penetrate  more  deeply  than  his  into  the 
secrets  of  science ;  the  assistant  physician,  attending  for 
years  upon  a  master's  work,  can  at  length  achieve  yet 
more  wonderful  results.  In  a  country  where  scholarship 
is  honoured  and  fostered,  the  results  of  physical  as  well  as 


236  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

of  this  so-called  psychical  heredity  are  preserved  as  the 
basis  of  higher  intellectual  developments;  and  new 
variations  which  increase  a  scholar's  power  are  preserved. 
The  mantle  of  statesman  or  artist  falls  on  the  apt  pupil, 
in  whom  new  variations  with  the  inheritance  of  tried 
qualities  make  farther  advance  possible. 

If   now  we  turn  from  the  semi-biological  ground  of 

individualism  to  what  is  distinctly  a  matter  of  sociology, 

still    much    the   same   conditions   are    found. 

e  MU  ti-     r^ne  groupg  -which  are  the  proper  organs  of 

Social  Groups  social  life  show  the  same  tendency  to  multiply 
leads  to  beyond  the  actual  need  for  them ;  and  in  the 
struggle  struggle  that  ensues  slight  variations  from  the 
them  °^  form  determine  the  relative  strength  or 

weakness  of  the  new  forms.  Here  multiplica- 
tion beyond  need  leads  to  competition;  variation  within 
narrow  limit  is  the  basis  of  selection  and  so  of  develop- 
ment. In  the  industrial  world  facts  of  this  class  are 
almost  too  familiar  to  need  illustration.  Indeed,  the 
very  word  which  we  have  been  using  to  denote  human 
struggle,  the  word  competition,  is  taken  from  the  industrial 
sphere.  In  a  time  of  prosperity,  stores  and  factories 
multiply  beyond  the  normal  need  of  society ;  all  sorts  of 
new  industrial  schemes  are  set  on  foot ;  the  unavoidable 
result  sooner  or  later  is  a  sharp  struggle  in  which  only 
the  strongest  industrial  groups  can  maintain  themselves. 
The  new  factories  may  some  of  them  have  been  able  to 
combine  better  machinery  and  better  business  methods 
with  what  has  been  found  good  in  previous  trials ;  in 
that  case  the  new  variety  is  better  adapted  to  the  con- 
ditions of  industrial  success,  and  is  "  selected  "  by  showing 
itself  the  stronger. 

To  take  an  example  from  the  intellectual  activity  of 
society,  we  may  consider  the  planting  of  colleges,  or 
indeed  of  churches,  in  a  territory  that  is  being  rapidly 
settled.  In  the  West  states  are  interested  in  higher 
education  as  part  of  the  state  school  system ;  individuals 


NATURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY.     237 

are  interested  in  higher  education;  different  religious 
denominations  are  interested  in  education  as  an  element 
in  Christian  training.  Colleges  are  planted  by  these 
different  parties  in  such  number  as  to  more  than  meet 
any  present  demand  on  the  part  of  students ;  so  large  a 
number  may  or  may  not  be  a  good  thing  for  the  interests 
of  education,  in  any  case  it  inevitably  leads  to  sharp 
competition  for  students  and  for  funds. 

Perhaps  the  greatest  advances  in  social  development 

have  been  along  the  line  of  greater  stability;   and  this 

has  ordinarily  been  attained  by  a  shifting  of 

u  ipica-    ^e  princjpie  of   multiplication  and  variation 
tion  and 
Variation       which  we  now  are  studying.    The  best  example 

leading  to      of  this  is  in  the  political  sphere,  though  the 

struggle  same  change  is  taking  place  elsewhere.  Among 
within  the  ....  °/  ..  .  .  5 

Social  Group  savaoe   races   political   activity  consists  in   a 

struggle  of  tribe  with  tribe,  in  which  new 
political  units  are  ever  being  formed  in  considerable 
number  and  the  weaker  are  disappearing  entirely  in  the 
struggle  to  maintain  themselves.  Greece  and  Home  alike 
grappled  unsuccessfully  with  the  principle  of  stable 
government,  and  modern  states  have  been  brought  to  the 
verge  of  destruction  by  blindness  to  the  same  principle. 
To-day,  however,  it  is  generally  recognised  that  stability 
may  be  secured  by  permitting  growth  from  within.  The 
multiplication  of  groups  that  stand  for  new  political 
ideas  is  encouraged  within  the  state;  what  could  once 
only  be  accomplished  by  a  revolution  and  overthrow  of 
the  existing  government  is  accomplished  by  a  change  of 
party,  the  multiplication  of  political  groups  that  leads 
to  struggle  is  no  longer  multiplication  of  states,  but  a 
subordinate  principle  of  growth  within  the  state.  The 
same  change  in  the  place  of  multiplication  and  variation 
of  groups  is  appearing  in  intellectual  life,  in  social  life, 
and  in  economic  life ;  and  the  consequence  is  that  these 
forms  of  struggle  are  undergoing  a  profound  change  with 
reference  to  the  permanence  of  the  social  structure. 


238  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

As  the  conditions  of  struggle  and  selection  rise  into 
the  really  psychical  sphere,  they  may  be  studied  simply 

as  the  multiplication  of  new  institutions,  new 
The  Multi-  .  ,  ,  .  ,  T  „  , ,  .  „ 

plication  of  ideals,  new  motive-ideas.     In  tact,  the  rise  or 

Ideas  and     new  groups  in  any  form  of  social  activity  is 
Ideals ;          always  due  in  some   measure  to  the  rise  of 

"a       new   ideas,   and   the  higher   the   society,   the 
Struggle.  / ' 

more  it  depends  on  new  ideas.  In  the 
psychical  life  of  society  is  found  the  ultimate  source  of 
the  conditions  that  lead  to  social  struggle ;  such  being 
its  source,  we  cannot  expect  that  social  struggle  will 
ever  disappear. 

In  the  biological  world,  multiplication  and  heredity, 
with  slight  variations,  led  to  struggle  and  the  possibility 

of  selection.     Considered  from  various  stand- 

Resume:        points,  exactly  the  same  conditions  are  fulfilled 

The  Condi-  , 

tions  of        m   nunian    society,   and    it    seems    inevitable 

struggle  and  that  the  multiplication  of  individuals  lead  to 

Selection  are  struggle    between   them ;    that    the   multipli- 

Bn   m     cation   of   individuals    in   the    same    form   of 

Human  .   ,  .    . 

Society.  social  activity,  seeking  the  same  ends,  trans- 
form the  activity  into  a  struggle;  that  the 
multiplication  of  groups  for  the  same  function,  with  the 
multiplication  of  the  institutions  and  ideas  for  which 
the  groups  stand,  result  in  a  struggle  of  group  with 
group.  The  new  factors  that  enter  into  the  struggle 
differ  slightly  from  the  earlier  factors,  so  that  struggle 
becomes  a  means  of  selection  between  the  "  varieties," 
and  the  "  fittest "  survive. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

NATURAL   SELECTION  IN   HUMAN   SOCIETY. 
(Continued.) 

HAVING  seen  that  the  conditions  of  struggle  and  selection 
are  present  in  the  distinctly  human  world,  we  may  go 
B  struggle  on  ^°  consider  the  facts  of  struggle,  and  then 
and  Selection  °f  selection  more  in  detail.  The  conditions 
in  Human  of  struggle  are  all  but  universal  in  society, 
Society.  go  j-^at  all  social  activity  may  be  considered 
from  this  standpoint.  Even  writers  who  regard  society 
as  an  organism,  point  out  a  degree  of  competition  between 
different  functions  and  organs  in  the  animal  organism, 
and  profess  no  surprise  that  with  the  less  rigid  structure 
of  society,  this  competition  or  struggle  becomes  a  far 
more  important  phase  of  all  activity.  It  will  be  con- 
venient for  us  to  consider  the  forms  of  social  activity 
that  were  described  in  an  earlier  chapter  as  forms  of 
social  struggle,  and  then  to  examine  the  different  planes 
of  social  struggle,  and  the  different  ends  by  which  it  is 
dominated. 

It  needs  no  second  glance  to  satisfy  one  that  the 
conditions  considered  in  the  last  chapter  render  the 
.  E  .  economic  activity  of  society  what  is  fittingly 
Activity  as  called  a  struggle.  Follow  some  industrial 
a  struggle  product  —  as  economists  are  wont  to  do — 
for  Existence.  from  the  factorv  up  to  the  time  when  it  is 
"consumed."  The  manufacturer  of  cotton  goods  chooses 
between  competing  places  for  his  factory;  the  makers 

239 


240  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

of  his  machinery  are  struggling  with  each  other  to 
produce  most  economically  engines,  looms,  &c.,  that  are 
best  adapted  to  his  work ;  raw  products  he  buys  from 
sellers  competing  in  the  open  market;  labour  he  hires 
from  among  men  who  bid  against  each  other  for  his 
work ;  transportation  companies  compete  with  one 
another  in  cheaply  transferring  his  goods  to  market ; 
and  in  the  market,  seller  is  struggling  with  seller  for 
the  privilege  of  a  sale  with  profit;  buyer  and  seller 
bargain  together,  to  agree  on  a  price.  The  present 
century  has  seen  barrier  after  barrier  swept  away,  till 
the  whole  world  enters  more  or  less  freely  into  the  one 
struggle;  family  and  social  distinctions  are  being  oblit- 
erated in  the  industrial  world;  customs  and  laws  in 
restraint  of  trade  have  been  set  aside. 

The  result  of  this  sudden  expansion  of  the  industrial 

struggle  is  to  force   more  clearly  on  thinkers  the  fact 

that     civilisation     moves,     not     away     from 

Progress,       struggle,  but  to  new  forms  of  struggle.     And 

not  from 

struggle,       the  efforts  to  deal  with  the  many  difficulties 

but  to  which  have  arisen  from  this  sudden  change, 
Higher  make  it  clear  that  it  is  not  by  seeking  to 
straggle  prevent  struggle,  but  by  modifying  its  forms, 
that  progress  will  be  made.  Strikes  are 
ordered  and  settled — in  the  presence,  it  may  be,  of 
military  power — merely  to  leave  the  industrial  life  of 
a  community  a  blank ;  the  only  genuine  settlement  of 
industrial  difficulties  has  been  gained  when  both  sides 
were  ready  to  listen  to  reason,  and  thus  to  elevate  the 
clashing  of  interests  to  this  higher  plane.  Labourers 
who  suffered  cruelly  in  an  unequal  struggle,  have  won 
their  rights  by  combining  and  entering  the  struggle  as 
a  larger  unit  —  but  only  when  they  could  shift  the 
contest  to  a  higher  plane  than  that  of  brute  force,  and 
gain  the  sympathy  of  the  community  in  their  behalf. 
Groups  of  co-operating  buyers  have  united  to  do  away 
with  the  petty  competition  of  retail  stores,  by  elevating 


NATURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY.    241 

competition  to  a  more  reasonable  plane.  Nor  are  the 
greatest  monopolies  of  the  day  altogether  free  from  the 
higher  forms  of  pressure  in  the  economic  struggle,  uncon- 
trolled as  they  may  often  seem  for  a  time. 

"  Social "  activity  means  social  struggle.  Normally, 
the  struggle  of  class  with  class  on  this  line  is  not  so 
2  " Social"  in^ense  as  the  economic  struggle,  yet  the 
Activity  as  same  forces  which  have  been  removing 
a  struggle  geographical  and  political  and  social  barriers 
for  Existence.  jn  ^Q  economic  world,  have  also  been  at 
work  in  the  "  social "  world.  In  particular,  the  extension 
of  the  ballot,  with  the  new  idea  of  rights  which  goes 
with  the  ballot,  and  the  increasing  respect  for  the  power 
that  goes  with  wealth,  have  done  much  to  break  down 
old  social  lines.  And  when  once  the  position  of  a  class 
or  an  individual  is  questioned,  it  must  constantly  be 
asserted.  Thus  the  struggle  between  social  classes  is 
intensified,  the  effort  on  the  part  of  each  family  to  secure 
"  social  position "  becomes  very  earnest,  and  all  social 
intercourse  intensifies  the  struggle  for  position.  In  many 
parts  of  the  earth,  the  contact  of  different  races  has 
roused  social  ambitions  in  the  one,  and  hatreds  in  the 
other,  till  the  very  structure  of  society  is  threatened. 
The  determining  factor  in  this  contest  was  once  a 
military  force  that  assigned  each  man  his  place ;  the 
social  power  which  all  men  recognise  to-day  is  the  power 
of  wealth;  still  it  is  growing  clearer  that  the  real  power 
behind  the  army  and  behind  the  wealth  is  intellectual, 
and  it  is  on  this  plane  of  intellectual  power  that  social 
recognition  is  to  be  sought  in  the  future. 

With  all  the  modification  that  civilisation  brings,  the 
struggle  for  females  still  remains  as  a  competition 
between  men  for  the  hand  of  a  desired  wife.  An 
"attractive"  woman  is  one  whose  society  many  seek 
and  enjoy ;  the  favoured  suitor  is  he  who  best  meets 
the  woman's  ideal  of  a  husband.  The  contest  remains, 
though  it  has  been  elevated  from  the  domain  of  physical 
ft 


242  INTRODUCTION  TO   SOCIOLOGY. 

force,  and  from  the  domain  of  a  parent's  power,  to  the 
sphere  of  choice. 

The  contest  between  states  for  power  is  the  earliest 
kind  of  human  struggle  to  attract  attention,  and  in  the 

3  Political  ^orm  °^  war  ^  ^s  ^ne  ^ast  k"^  °^  Struggle  to 
Activity  as  a  leave  the  purpose  of  destruction  and  the  plane 
struggle  for  Of  physical  force.  It  should  never  be  forgotten, 
Existence,  however,  that  to-day  it  is  the  least  important 
part  of  the  contest  between  states  which  receives  so  much 
of  public  attention.  The  phrase  "  balance  of  power " 
may  be  no  political  ideal,  but  it  expresses  the  statesman's 
recognition  that  the  contest  of  states  is  something  far 
more  than  the  military  form  of  this  contest.  Each  state 
holds  its  own  with  reference  to  every  other  state  by  their 
consent  and  its  power  to  win  their  consent;  and  the 
external  life  of  the,  state  is  a  constant  effort  to  increase 
its  relative  power  and  thus  to  raise  its  relative  position. 
War  may  become  less  frequent,  and  men  may  fondly 
dream  that  it  can  be  abolished.  If  this  goal  is  ever 
attained,  it  will  not  be  by  putting  an  end  to  international 
contests,  but  by  raising  these  contests  to  a  higher  and 
more  rational  plane.  The  fact  of  international  struggle 
is  simply  the  fact  of  international  life. 

Within  the  state  the  contest  of  smaller  political  units 
(towns  or  "  states  ")  for  power  is  generally  not  important 
The  stru  le  exceP^  when  localities  arid  political  parties 
between  coincide.  In  the  United  States  the  interests 
Lesser  Politi-  of  North  and  South  may  come  into  apparent 
caiTJnits.  conflict,  and  lead  to  the  bitterest  civil  war; 
"silver"  states  may  be  at  variance  with  "capitalist" 
states,  agricultural  with  manufacturing  states — but  this 
is  not  a  contest  with  reference  to  the  relative  power  of 
these  political  sub-units  so  much  as  a  contest  of  interests 
and  of  parties.  Within  the  state  the  most  important 
form  of  political  struggle  is  the  struggle  between  political 
parties.  Their  contest  for  power  reaches  from  the 
smallest  district  to  the  whole  nation.  It  is  carried  on 


NATURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY.    243 

not  only  in  the  election  of  officers,  but  in  the  administra- 
tion of  government  and  the  legislation  of  assemblies. 
The  party  of  the  majority  is  the  power  behind  the 
throne,  and  other  parties  are  supposed  to  hold  the  first 
party  to  its  true  task  even  by  their  opposition.  The 
very  life  of  the  modern  state  depends  on  the  struggle 
of  parties ;  progress  consists  in  the  elevation  of  this 
struggle  out  of  the  sphere  of  physical  force  into  the 
sphere  of  reason ;  and  in  so  far  as  this  form  of  struggle 
is  civilised  and  its  plane  elevated,  it  becomes  the  fit 
instrument  for  the  expression  of  the  people's  will. 

Each  of  the  forms  of  struggle  that  have  just  been 
considered,  rises  at  times  to  the  social  or  rational  plane, 
4  Ps  chical  anc^  then  ik  is  properly  called  psychical.  The 
Life  as  in-  appeal  to  force  does  remain  in  the  background, 
voiving  and  is  a  factor  that  cannot  be  neglected ;  but 
struggle.  we  jiave  geen  exampies  Of  political  parties 

based  on  principles,  we  have  known  economic  arid  social 
struggles  to  be  raised  to  the  intellectual  plane,  and  to  be 
settled  at  the  bar  of  the  people's  reason.  The  tendency 
to  bring  down  all  psychical  questions  into  the  sphere  of 
brute  force,  or,  at  least,  to  settle  them  by  numerical 
majorities  of  unthinking  voters,  is  a  danger  likely  to 
become  quite  as  great  in  the  future  as  in  the  past.  Yet 
contests  of  ideas  and  of  ideals  belong  to  the  very  nature 
of  psychical  life,  and  we  could  not  avoid  them  even  if 
foolishly  we  would. 

The  intellectual  life  of  a  people  is  vigorous  when  new 
ideas  are  brought  forward  in  prolific  abundance,  and 

sharply  criticised.  As  for  example  one  man 
Intellectual  ,  ,  ,  .  ,  ,  .  , 

struggle        nas  urged  the  view  that  the  seat  ot  the  race 

was  originally  at  the  North  Pole,  another  has 
claimed  that  his  lymph  would  cure  consumption,  and  still 
others  are  urging  that  the  adoption  of  a  silver  monetary 
standard,  or  the  control  of  industry  by  the  state,  would 
be  a  panacea  for  social  and  economic  evils.  The  attempt 
may  be  made  to  settle  such  questions  by  force,  as  Galileo 


244  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

was  cast  into  prison,  and  as  advocates  of  the  theory  of 
evolution  have  been  solemnly  damned  for  all  eternity. 
But  when  they  are  fairly  discussed  and  judged  by  the 
standard  of  truth,  the  severest  standard  by  which  they 
can  be  judged,  the  intellectual  contest  over  such  ideas  is 
the  mark  of  intellectual  life  and  intellectual  progress. 

Sometimes  the  form  of  struggle  under  discussion  is 
described  as  a  contest  of  ideas  themselves,  but  the  value 
The  Contest  °^  the  %ure  of  speech  is,  to  say  the  least, 
over  New  questionable.  The  process  is  somewhat  as 
ideas.  follows.  One  man,  or  it  may  be  several  men 

contemporaneously,  perceives  the  inadequacy  of  an  ac- 
cepted belief.  He  states  the  truth  in  a  new  and  laryer 
form,  and  seeks  to  persuade  the  world  that  his  statement 
is  correct.  .Darwin  finds  that  the  principle  of  natural 
selection  explains  in  a  new  and  more  satisfactory  way 
the  facts  as  to  the  origin  of  species.  At  first  only  a  few, 
whose  thoughts  had  all  but  anticipated  Darwin's,  are 
ready  to  accept  the  view  thus  propounded.  The  little 
group  win  new  adherents  by  urging  their  belief  on 
popular  attention ;  the  statement  of  its  views  is  slightly 
modified  as  farther  light  is  thrown  on  the  question. 
After  more  than  a  generation  has  passed,  the  fundamental 
principle  is  generally  accepted,  and  the  contest  is  con- 
tinued between  those  who  believe  in  the  inheritance  of 
acquired  characteristics  and  the  party  who  follow  the 
lead  of  Weismann  in  denying  it.  The  spread  of 
education  among  the  people  has  extended  the  number 
of  those  who  engage  in  discussions  of  scientific  questions, 
and  has  given  rise  to  new  dangers ;  but,  provided  the 
discussion  can  be  conducted  on  its  proper  plane,  the 
widening  of  the  intellectual  struggle  will  be  a  widening 
and  deepening  of  intellectual  life. 

All  progress  in  ethics  and  in  art  is  due  to  the  same 
principle.  In  a  world  which  found  slavery  convenient 
and  useful,  the  struggle  in  behalf  of  the  new  conception 
of  humanity  had  to  be  prosecuted  nearly  two  thousand 


NATURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY.    245 

years  before  it  could  finally  win.  Wherever  ethical  life 
Ethical  and  was  vigorous»  tne  war  against  the  slaveholder 
Artistic  Life  was  sharpest ;  and,  when  the  battle  was  won 
involves  by  reason,  ancestral  custom  and  economic 
,rugg e'  interest  could  not  long  hold  out  against 
emancipation.  Standards  of  right  in  business  and  in 
politics  are  being  sharply  criticised  to-day.  The  struggle 
is  sharper  because  these  particular  standards  have  fallen 
behind  the  real  ethical  standard  of  the  day ;  but  the  man 
or  the  party  who  represents  a  standard  either  in  advance 
of  public  opinion,  or  behind  public  opinion,  has  the  same 
sort  of  struggle  to  engage  in.  The  effort  to  secure  a 
wiser  treatment  of  the  dependent  class,  the  agitation  in 
favour  of  uniform  and  more  strict  marriage  laws,  the 
temperance  movement,  are  different  forms  of  the  struggle 
for  ethical  standards  in  the  life  of  the  community.  When 
John  Howard  discovered  the  evils,  sanitary  and  moral, 
which  characterised  the  prisons  of  France  and  of  all 
Europe,  it  was  no  easy  task  to  secure  a  higher  standard 
for  the  treatment  of  prisoners.  A  life  was  spent  and 
sacrificed  in  the  cause  of  reform  before  much  was  accom- 
plished; and,  after  more  than  a  century,  the  contest  is 
still  being  waged  between  those  who  are  content  with  lax 
methods  and  the  party  that  demands  a  radical  reformation 
in  the  treatment  of  criminals.  Each  new  proposition  as 
to  conduct,  each  new  ideal,  has  to  win  its  way  on  grounds 
of  reason;  and  when  the  ethical  life  of  a  society  is 
vigorous,  the  contests  may  be  intense  and  prolonged. 
The  special  intensity  of  the  ethical  struggle  is  due  to  the 
fact  that  each  party  believes  it  stands  for  the  right; 
conscience  is  enlisted  on  each  side,  and  the  very  basis 
of  right  itself  seems  to  be  at  stake.  The  contest  is 
carried  on  by  parties,  and,  it  may  be,  their  strength  is 
occasionally  tested  by  vote  ;  but  it  is  really  a  question  as 
to  principles,  and  the  real  conclusion  can  only  be  reached 
on  the  ground  of  reasonable  discussion. 

Nor  is  the  sphere  of   religion  exempt   from  conflict. 


246  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

Parties  and  schools  of   thought  in  the  Eoman   Church, 

sects   as   well    as    schools   in   the   Protestant 
Struggle  as 

the  Principle  Church,  are  signs  of  the  effort  to  grasp  truth 
of  Develop-  on  different  sides,  and  so  to  reach  a  deeper 
mentin  knowledge  of  God.  Questions  as  to  the 
future  state,  the  authority  and  inspiration 
of  the  scriptures,  and  the  apostolic  succession,  are  dis- 
cussed, sometimes  it  is  true  with  bitterness,  and  yet 
with  a  genuine  desire  to  reach  the  truth.  Many  a 
religion  has  been  propagated  by  the  sword,  and  the 
power  of  the  majority  vote  is  still  invoked  in  some 
churches  to  determine  what  the  truth  must  be,  and  what 
the  right  shall  be.  On  the  lower  plane,  struggle  is 
divisive,  and  a  hindrance  to  the  work  of  the  church ;  and 
yet  struggle  is  as  necessary  for  religious  life  and  religious 
growth  as  it  is  for  advance  in  any  other  line.  Here  again 
the  only  question  is  with  reference  to  the  plane  on  which 
struggle  shall  be  conducted. 

oo  \ 

In  considering  the  forms  of  social  activity  as  forms  of 
struggle,  it  has  not  been  possible  to  overlook  the  fact 
Cha  in  that  struggle  in  human  society  is  undergoing  a 
the  Form  of  most  important  change.  Like  all  other  social 
struggle.  phenomena,  it  grows  more  complex  as  new 
forms  arise  out  of  the  old  simpler  forms ;  but  the  change 
that  has  been  forced  on  our  attention  is  more  important 
than  any  change  in  outward  form.  Social  struggle 
changes  its  entire  character  as  it  is  raised  from  the 
physical  to  the  psychical  plane,  as  it  is  actuated  by  social 
rather  than  biological  ends,  and  as  the  units  which  enter 
into  it  become  really  human  units. 

Even  among  animals,  what  we  call  "  brute  force  "  is  by 
no  means  the  only  factor  that  determines  the  survivor; 
Physical  but  tne  struggle  is  primarily  a  physical  struggle 
struggle  in  in  which  the  survivor  grows  fat  and  the 
Human  weaker  dies.  With  the  development  of  human 
society,  this  side  of  struggle  is  only  gradually 
forced  into  the  background.  In  economic  life,  slavery 


NATURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY.    247 

rested  on  the  confessed  basis  of  superior  force,  and  even 
to-day  the  strike  is  often  intended  as  a  trial  of  strength 
between  employer  and  employed.  It  is  only  dreamers 
who  look  forward  to  anything  like  the  elimination  of 
war  in  the  near  future.  Even  in  the  intellectual  and 
the  religious  sphere  the  ballot  is  invoked  as  the  power 
of  the  majority,  rather  than  the  power  of  reason. 
Germany  undertakes  to  assimilate  Alsace-Lorraine,  as 
the  German  element  in  Austria-Hungary  attempted  to 
denationalise  certain  other  elements  of  the  population, 
by  forcing  its  language  and  its  institutions  on  the  con- 
quered people. 

Struggle  on  the  physical  plane  continues  in  the  most 
advanced  forms  of  human  society,  but  it  is  gradually 
struggle  being  supplanted  by  struggle  on  a  higher 
raised  to  plane.  Cunning  stratagem  and  the  strength 
the  Psychical  that  comes  from  union  are  important  factors 
in  the  struggle  of  animals,  and  in  the  case  of 
primitive  man  they  become  the  decisive  factors.  As 
society  develops,  the  slave  gives  way  to  the  serf,  and  the 
serf  to  the  hired  servant,  in  economic  life.  The  state 
gains  many  of  its  ends  from  other  states  by  diplomatic 
means,  and,  where  this  fails,  some  questions  are  settled 
by  arbitration.  The  Spanish  Inquisition  is  gone,  and  the 
newspaper  in  some  measure  takes  its  place.  On  the 
higher  plane,  struggle  is  certainly  more  general ;  rightly 
understood,  it  is  keener  than  it  could  have  been  on  the 
lower  plane.  At  the  same  time,  however,  a  spirit  of 
harmony  often  exists  between  contending  parties,  as 
between  knight-errants  of  old,  and  it  is  more  evident 
than  ever  before  that  struggle  is  the  normal  form  of 
development. 

Its  Aim  comes  ^s  struggle  in  human  society  is  raised  from 
to  be  not  De-  the  physical  to  the  psychical  plane,  a  new 
struction  but  en(j  or  purpose  controls  those  who  engage  in 
Lacy'  it,  and  its  whole  character  is  changed.  In 
the  really  human  struggle  for  existence,  the  aim  is 


248  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

not  destruction  but  supremacy ;  man  looks  beyond  the 
immediate  present,  he  seeks  not  so  much  to  meet  his 
needs  as  to  provide  a  way  by  which  he  and  those  who 
work  with  him  may  have  their  needs  met  regularly  in 
the  future.  The  difference  to  which  I  refer  is  the 
difference  between  the  hunter  and  the  herdsman,  between 
the  race  that  eats  the  bananas  provided  by  nature  and 
the  race  that  cultivates  wheat.  The  one  destroys  what 
he  touches,  the  other  becomes  master  of  it  and  makes  it 
subservient  to  his  future  needs.  The  one  acts  irrationally 
and  independently  of  society,  the  other  rationally,  on  the 
basis  of  society  and  for  society. 

So  in  the  struggle  of  man  with  man,  the  aim  comes  to 
be  not  destruction  but  supremacy.  Savage  man  may  be 
Irrati  nal  more  cunning,  and  better  able  to  unite  with 
and  Rational,  his  neighbour,  and  better  able  to  profit  by  his 
Human,  neighbour's  experience,  than  even  the  higher 

Forms  of  animals ,  but  in  the  struggle  of  man  with  man 
Struggle. 

the  aim  is  to  destroy  adversaries,  and  pre- 
sumably to  eat  them.  Very  early  in  human  history  the 
truly  human,  rational,  form  of  struggle  must  have  begun, 
but  the  traces  of  it  among  savage  races  are  hardly  to  be 
found,  and  its  progress  with  the  passing  centuries  has 
been  slow  enough  at  best.  As  it  has  gradually  supplanted 
the  lower,  animal,  type  of  struggle,  the  foundations  of 
civilisation  have  been  laid,  and  the  reign  of  reason  has 
begun.  The  man  struggles  with  other  men  in  many 
diverse  lines  that  he  may  win  supremacy,  while  he  and 
they  alike  profit  from  the  new  relation.  The  captive  is 
retained  as  a  slave,  and  then  as  a  servant ;  in  later  times 
tribute  is  exacted,  and  the  conquered  people  is  left  as  a 
source  of  revenue ;  at  length  it  is  enough  that  the 
authority  of  the  conqueror  be  recognised,  and  the  con- 
quered race  is  admitted  to  all  the  privileges  of  citizen- 
ship. In  the  first  instance  the  conquered  remain,  but 
their  civic  life  is  destroyed ;  the  exaction  of  tribute 
cripples  the  independent  existence  of  the  conquered  race, 


NATURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY.    249 

and  brings  no  lasting  benefit  to  the  conqueror ;  but  when 
at  length  the  conquered  race  can  be  fused  into  the  life 
of  the  superior  race,  the  foundations  of  future  greatness 
may  be  securely  laid.  The  struggle  for  wealth  follows 
much  the  same  course  as  the  struggle  for  power.  First, 
destruction  cf  the  fortunate  to  secure  his  good  feeding- 
grounds;  then  repeated  pillagings,  destroying  crops,  but 
leaving  those  who  will  raise  more ;  then  a  regular  tribute, 
or  an  effort  to  secure  this  by  taxing  imports ;  and,  finally, 
free  commerce,  for  at  length  men  recognise  that  this  is 
the  surest  way  for  even  the  stronger  to  secure  wealth. 
The  new  form  of  struggle  deserves  the  name  social, 
because  it  depends  on  present  social  conditions,  and  aims 
to  extend  rather  than  to  destroy  them.  It  is  called 
rational,  because  it  keeps  in  view  the  future  as  well  as 
the  present,  and  pursues  the  lines  which  will  in  the  end 
be  most  sure  to  make  society  more  human  and  more 
reasonable. 

Finally  the  change  in  the  form  of  struggle  modifies  the 

competing  units.      The  change  from  groups  determined 

by  territorial  lines,  to  groups  determined  by 

angemt  e  cjagg  ^neg  has  already  been  discussed  in  the 
Competing  * 

Units  as        preceding  chapter,  and  I  need  only  refer  to  it 

struggle  is  once  more  at  this  point.  Struggle  on  the 
raised  to  the  jower  physical  plane  is  carried  on  between 
Plane  units  that  may  be  called  physical;  it  makes 

little  difference  whether  they  are  individuals 
or  groups  that  find  their  unity  in  some  physical  cause 
(kinship  or  locality).  The  social  group,  in  a  more  strict 
sense  of  the  term,  the  true  element  in  human  society, 
arises  in  struggle  on  the  psychical  plane;  and  its 
character  becomes  more  distinct  and  definite  as  human 
struggle  assumes  its  proper  form.  The  change  from 
lower  to  higher  stages  in  the  development  of  society  is 
often  described  as  the  growth  of  individualism,  and  the 
new  duties  and  rights  of  the  individual  in  the  economic 
or  the  political  world  are  brought  in  as  evidence.  The 


250  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

truth  is  that  a  simple  struggle  between  simple  groups  is 
being  succeeded  by  a  complex  struggle  between  different 
kinds  of  units.  The  individual  is  freed  from  number- 
less territorial  and  social  limitations  that  hampered  and 
protected  him,  but  the  competition  in  which  he  engages 
is  limited  in  a  new  way.  Not  only  does  increasing 
differentiation  effectively  limit  the  number  with  whom 
he  competes,  but  much  of  the  burden  of  struggle  is 
shifted  from  the  shoulders  of  the  isolated  individual  to 
the  group  of  which  he  is  a  member.  Group  competes 
with  group,  and  the  individual  competes  only  with  the 
other  members  of  the  group.  The  human  family  shields 
its  members  from  all  the  rest  of  the  world,  but  even 
here  an  emulation  within  the  bonds  of  affectionate  union 
is  a  source  of  strength.  The  town  removes  some  phases 
of  the  struggle  for  existence  from  each  citizen,  the  state 
removes  many  others ;  but  within  each  political  unit 
other  ends  call  out  the  energy  of  the  individual  citizen. 
The  manufacturer,  in  competing  with  other  manufacturing 
groups,  removes  from  his  workmen  much  of  the  stress  of 
economic  struggle,  but,  within  definite  lines,  the  workman 
has  only  the  more  bitter  a  battle  to  fight.  In  the  higher 
form  of  social  activity,  the  simple  conflict  of  physical 
groups  is  supplanted  by  an  exceedingly  complex  struggle, 
in  which  each  individual  and  the  group  uniting  to 
perform  each  phase  of  social  activity,  are  the  units  that 
rise  or  fall  according  to  their  fitness. 

In  the  consideration  of  social  struggle,  which  has  thus 
far  occupied  our  attention,  it  has  been  tacitly  assumed 

that  the  outcome  of  struggle  is  the  survival 
C.  Survival       .    .u      «.,  .  UN.  v, 

of  the  Fittest  °*  the  fittest,  inasmuch  as  it  was  shown  in 

as  the  Out-  the  preceding  chapter  that  the  conditions 
come  of  which  cause  survival  of  the  fittest  are  present 
in  the  truly  human  world,  as  much  as  in  the 
physical  world.  It  is  true  that  the  definition  of  "  fittest " 
has  constantly  changed,  as  struggle  has  been  raised  to 


NATURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY.    251 

higher  planes.  Strength  and  speed  once  constituted 
fitness;  they  have  been  supplanted  by  cunning  and 
alertness,  and  these  in  turn  by  intellectual  keenness 
and  the  power  of  association.  The  environment  of  man 
has  grown  far  more  complex  with  civilisation,  and  with 
the  standard  of  fitness  the  surviving  kind  has  changed. 
None  the  less,  the  law  of  natural  selection  remains  the 
same  for  man  as  for  the  biological  organism ;  the  fittest 
show  their  character  by  surviving  in  the  struggle  for 
existence,  struggle  is  a  process  of  selection,  and  so  of 
progress.  The  law  applies,  not  alone  to  individual  men, 
but  to  all  the  units  that  multiply  with  slight  variation 
and  compete  in  the  social  world.  Individual  men  are 
"  selected,"  as  fitter  for  their  place  than  their  competitors. 
The  fittest  group  in  each  form  of  social  struggle  shows 
its  fitness  by  surviving,  and  with  the  group  survive  and 
are  perpetuated  its  institutions.  Language,  and  philo- 
sophy, and  ethics,  the  form  of  state  or  of  the  family 
that  make  their  respective  groups  "fittest,"  are  the 
institutions  that  survive  and  are  perpetuated,  and  their 
authority  is  the  outcome  of  their  success. 

The  survival  of  the  fittest  can  best  be  understood  by 
l.  Survival  a  study  of  the  units  that  survive.  I  speak, 
of  the  Fittest  therefore,  of  the  survival  of  individuals,  of 
Individuals.  groupS)  an(j  of  institutions  (using  the  word 
"  institution  "  in  a  broad  sense). 

The  contest  and  survival  of  individuals  is  an  out- 
growth of  struggle  and  survival  in  the  biological  world, 
B-  .  .  ,,  and,  as  we  have  seen,  it  never  entirely  loses  its 
the  less  Fit  original  character.  In  the  competition  of  or- 
perish,  the  ganisms,  those  best  adapted  to  given  physical 
conditions  survive  and  multiply  their  kind; 
disease,  famine,  and  beasts  of  prey  destroy  the 
less  fit.  The  same  forces  have  not  lost  their  power  to 
destroy  the  less  fit  among  men.  Consumption,  fever,  or 
malaria  find  a  footing  in  weaker  constitutions ;  and  we 
know  the  survivors  to  be  "  tougher,"  from  the  fact  that  they 


252  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

survive.  Hunger  and  want  and  cold  do  not  permit  the 
more  delicate  to  live ;  the  fittest  to  meet  these  conditions 
survive  longest.  The  beast  of  prey,  and  man's  most  cruel 
enemy,  who  is  man  himself,  catch  the  weaker,  the  faint- 
hearted, the  head  that  is  not  cool.  The  young  men  enlisted 
in  France  in  I8941  were  said  to  be  a  finer  set  of  men 
physically  than  had  ever  been  examined  in  that  country 
before.  It  is  said  that  a  generation  after  any  of  the  great 
wars  of  Europe,  the  population  born  of  those  who  survived 
the  war  has  been  of  higher  grade  than  before  or  after. 

In  the  case  of  man,  another  factor  is  more  important 
here  than  the  mere  continuation  of  the  individual's  life. 
The  "Fit-  Under  different  physical  and  social  conditions, 
test "  Type  man's  rate  of  increase  differs  as  does  that  of 
increases  no  Other  animal.  The  survival  of  a  type  of 
y' individual  depends  mainly  on  the  relative 
number  of  children  brought  to  maturity  by  those  who 
represent  that  type.  As  Lapouge  has  pointed  out,2  if 
we  suppose  a  difference  in  the  number  of  mature  off- 
spring of  three  in  one  family  to  four  in  another,  and 
suppose  this  difference  to  be  kept  up,  in  the  fifth 
generation  the  offspring  of  one  family  will  number  more 
than  three  times  those  of  the  other.  And  if  we  suppose 
the  influence  of  a  higher  death-rate  to  be  added  to  the 
influence  of  a  lesser  birth-rate,  it  becomes  evident  that 
one  type  of  man  may  all  but  disappear  before  a  type 
that  is  physically  superior,  in  a  very  few  generations. 
Perhaps  it  is  quite  unnecessary  to  remind  the  reader 
that  the  "fittest"  type  from  this  physical  standpoint 
is  not  the  highest  type  socially,  or  intellectually,  or 
morally;  nor  yet  is  it  the  lowest.  In  Germany,  the 
peasant  class  is  called  the  basis  of  society ;  in  every 
country,  the  future  of  the  nation  depends  primarily  on 
that  class  which  raises  up  men  to  inherit  its  culture, 
and  to  carry  on  its  work. 

1  V.   Aram  on,   Die  Gesellschaftsordnung  und  ihre  naturliche  Grund- 
lagen.    S.  238.  2  Revue  Internationale  de  Sociologie,  I. 


NATURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY.    253 

In  the  truly  human  struggle,  comparatively  few  indi- 
viduals are  thrown  together  in  each  form  of  struggle, 
„,,  „_,..  and  the  end  is  not  mere  survival,  but  social 
test"  Type  survival.  I  mean  that  man  seeks  not  only 
rises  in  to  get  food,  but  to  secure  a  better  and  better 
Social  economic  position  He  shows  himself  to  be 

Struggles. 

"more  fit"  by  surviving  and  having  children, 
but  also  by  holding  his  place,  and  securing  a  higher  place 
in  society  as  the  outcome  of  struggle.  The  printer's  boy 
advances  by  common  sense,  pluck,  and  skill,  till  he  can  set 
up  for  himself ;  the  small  office  becomes  a  large  printing 
establishment ;  and  at  length  the  successful  printer 
ventures  in  the  field  of  publishing,  where  the  same 
qualities  win  him  success  a  second  time.  In  all  his 
struggle,  in  all  human  struggle,  the  aim  is  "social" 
survival;  he  shows  his  fitness  for  the  difficult  and 
delicate  duties  of  high  position,  and  being  the  fittest, 
he  survives  all  his  competitors  by  rising  out  of  the 
lower  kind  of  competition. 

The  actual  outcome  of  the  social  process  in  which  the 
more  fit  tend  to  survive  and  multiply  (physical  survival 

of  the  fittest),  and.  at  the  same  time,  to  rise  to 
Social  .  .  :  .  .  .  . 

Apparatus      higher  positions  in  society  (social  survival  or 

for  determin- the  fittest),  depends  largely  on  the  organisa- 

ing  the           \>\<y&  Of  a  given  society.      In  order  to  attain 
Survival  of      .-,  •.  i       •    •  T,  •   , 

the  Fittest  necessary  unity  and   rigidity,   a   society 

(unconsciously)  sets  close  limits  to  its  con- 
stituent classes.  The  exceedingly  unfit  may  be  thrown 
out  of  a  given  class,  but  there  is  no  regular  channel  by 
which  the  better  man  can  rise  to  the  position  for  which 
he  is  adapted.  Eigid  barriers,  once  useful  to  society, 
have  now  been  quite  generally  removed ;  and  with  the 
removal  of  barriers  has  constantly  been  associated  a  more 
or  less  definite  apparatus  for  weeding  out  the  unfit,  and 
advancing  those  who  are  fit  for  better  things.  In  the 
contest  for  industrial  position,  the  labourer  who  can 
most  economically  perform  a  given  task  is  the  only  one 


254  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

to   whom    an   employer    can   afford    to   give    that   task. 
Each  industrial  crisis  constitutes  a  severe  test 

„  for  every   one  in   the  industrial  world ;   the 
and  "Social"  ' 

Apparatus  IGSS  n^  are  thrown  out  of  their  place,  at  what- 
for  determin-  ever  point  in  the  industrial  world  their  place 
ing  the  mav  ^  ^he  so-called  "  out  of  work "  class 
the  Fittest  simpty  consists  of  those  whose  work  cannot 
be  utilised,  either  temporarily  or  permanently. 
During  periods  of  industrial  expansion,  the  man  of 
wisdom,  skill,  and  vigour,  expects  advancement,  because 
new  positions  are  being  created,  for  which  these  are  the 
only  recommendation.  In  the  economic  struggle,  advance- 
ment and  testing  for  fitness  are  partially  separated  by  the 
present  type  of  social  organisation.  In  "social"  inter- 
course barriers  are  rather  more  rigid,  and  the  apparatus 
for  determining  the  survival  of  the  fittest  is  less  fully 
developed.  Nevertheless,  marked  cases  of  unfitness  are 
weeded  out  of  their  class,  and  disapprobation,  expressed 
in  many  forms,  drives  them  elsewhere.  Conversely, 
those  who  are  endowed  with  truly  social  gifts  of  bright- 
ness, friendliness,  and  delicate  perception,  find  a  welcome 
in  social  circles  called  higher  than  their  own,  and  rise  by 
the  admiration  they  command. 

In  political  life,  the  facts  of  survival  and  of  failure  to 
survive,  the  machinery  for  advancing  the  better  and  weed- 
,  f  ing  out  the  poorer,  cannot  escape  the  observer's 

determining  notice.  Take,  for  example,  the  German  army.1 
Survival  in  The  number  competing  for  each  position  seems 
Political  Life.  un(juiy  large.  An  officer  is  thrown  out  of  his 
command  for  what  would  seem  a  trivial  failure — some 
lack  in  a  parade,  for  which  he  has  only  the  remotest 
responsibility,  some  jealousy  on  the  part  of  fellow-officers, 
some  harsh  word  that  rankles  in  the  mind  of  a  subordinate. 
Undoubtedly  many  excellent  soldiers  are  thrown  out  by 
such  methods.  The  result,  however,  is  that  only  the  most 

1  Cf.  Ammon,  Die  Gesellschaftsordnung  und  ihre  naturl-iche  Grund- 
lagen.     Ss.  226  sqq. 


NATURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY.    255 

cautious,  the  wisest,  the  most  courageous,  are  advanced. 
Compared  with  a  system  where  seniority,  pure  and  simple, 
is  the  test  of  fitness,  the  superiority  of  the  German  system 
is  only  too  apparent.  Or,  if  we  look  at  the  English  Civil 
Service  system,  we  find  an  elaborate  apparatus  set  up  by 
society,  to  throw  out  candidates  for  office  who  lack  some 
simple  qualifications,  and  to  advance  to  severer  tests 
those  who  have  these  qualifications.  In  other  countries, 
where  the  fitness  of  those  appointed  to  office  seems 
wholly  lacking,  the  explanation  is  found  in  the  social 
apparatus  for  determining  who  are  the  fit.  Good  fellow- 
ship, political  trickery,  and  cunning,  some  reciprocal 
service  to  the  appointing  power  —  these  and  similar 
qualifications  too  commonly  constitute  the  test  of  fitness, 
by  which  a  nation  permits  candidates  for  office  to  rise  or 
fall.  Men  gain  political  office,  or  lose  it,  as  they  are 
adapted  to  present  conditions.  A  society  determines 
what  it  approves,  and  establishes  a  particular  apparatus 
for  advancing  the  approved,  and  throwing  out  the  dis- 
approved ;  it  is  a  law  of  nature  that  those  deemed  fittest 
survive.  The  key  to  the  part  this  process  plays  in  pro- 
gress is  found  in  the  contest  of  nation  with  nation,  in 
which  those  with  false  standards  of  fitness  cannot  long 
survive. 

In  the  psychical  life  of  society,  finally,  the  same  truth 
holds  good.  The  individual's  position  in  the  intellectual 
Survival  of  wor^'  in  tne  world  of  art,  or  morals,  of 
Individuals  religion,  is  determined  by  his  adaptation  as 
in  Psychical  judged  by  the  social  standard.  The  process 
Llfe§  begins  in  the  schools.  Those  who  fail  to  do 

the  work  in  the  lower  school  and  the  "  grammar  school " 
successfully,  do  not  go  on  to  the  "  high  school " ;  those 
who  fail  or  lose  interest  in  the  high  school  and  "academy," 
do  not  go  on  to  the  college  and  the  university.  The  fact 
that  examinations  are  passed  successfully,  opens  the  way 
to  higher  opportunities ;  those  who  have  shown  themselves 
fit  are  advanced,  while  those  who  are  thrown  out  must 


256  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

work  at  a  considerable  disadvantage,  if  they  would  win 
position  in  the  literary  or  educational  world.  The  law  of 
nature  is  that  the  fittest  man  survives  and  rises.  Society, 
however,  determines  the  standard  of  fitness,  and  the  social 
standard  constantly  needs  revising,  that  it  may  do  its 
work  properly.  The  penalty  for  the  society  that  persists 
in  judging  by  a  false  standard,  will  appear  as  we  go  on  to 
consider  the  fate  of  social  groups  in  the  struggle  for 
existence. 

The  struggle  of  group  with  group  repeats  the  story  of 
survival  and  of  destruction.      The  simple  groups  of  un- 
e  —  ^e  tribe  or  tne  "horde"  —  can 


2  Survival  of 

Social  Groups  °nly  survive  by  proving  their  fitness  to  given 
in  the  conditions.      Some  savage   genius   introduces 

struggle  for  a  wjge  organisation  and  a  strenuous  rule, 
before  which  surrounding  tribes  can  make 
no  resistance.  Then  the  central  power  decays,  and  no 
part  has  such  fitness  that  it  can  assume  the  leadership. 
Still  in  this  repeated  process  is  the  possibility  and  the 
hope  of  progress,  for  each  new  leader  brings  some  slight 
"variation,"  and  if  the  "varieties"  prove  better  fitted  to 
the  conditions,  and  are  preserved,  they  form  a  starting- 
point  for  future,  still  more  fit,  varieties. 

The  simple  struggle  of  savage  tribes  has  become  a 
contest  of  nations,  but  the  result  is  the  same.  The  fittest 
prove  their  fitness  in  the  struggle,  and  survive.  Eome 
was  the  fittest  to  conquer  and  to  rule,  and  the  world 
became  the  Roman  World.  The  superior  strength  of 
Germany  twenty-five  years  ago  proved  that  her  social 
and  military  organisation  were  better  fitted  to  existing 
conditions  than  were  those  of  France.  A  nation's 
strength,  its  power  to  survive,  is  determined  by  its 
relative  fitness  to  the  conditions  of  modern  national  life. 
The  fittest  nation  survives,  gains  in  power,  and  helps  to 
shape  the  future  conditions  of  political  life. 

In  fact,  it  is  in  the  contest  of  group  with  group  that 
the  law  of  survival  works  out  the  gradual  improvement 


NATURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY.    257 

of  social   organisation.      The   point   where   a  society  is 
most  severely  tested  is  its  organisation,  and 

*rJ^I.a  i.      slight  superiority  here  counts  for  much.     On 
of  Fittest  °  J  , 

Group  is  the  the  lower  stages  of  social  development  it  may 
Survival  of    be  simply  the  rigidity  of  a  tribe  under  able 

the  Fittest     command  that  makes  it  strong — as  Bagehot 

Social  Or-  .        . 

ganisation     nas  snown  m  nis  brilliant  essays — and  later,  an 

element  of  flexibility  adds  greater  strength. 
The  apparatus  for  determining  the  survival  and  advance- 
ment of  the  fittest  individuals  is  a  most  important 
element  in  the  strength  of  a  society.  That  society  which 
first  develops  a  system  that  utilises  the  gifts  of  in- 
dividuals, without  weakening  the  structure  of  the  group, 
gains  an  immense  advantage  over  its  competitors.  A 
nation  which,  like  Turkey  to-day,  refuses  to  use  the 
talents  men  might  have  for  statesmanship,  can  expect 
only  a  rotten  existence,  wholly  dependent  on  the  interests 
of  foreign  states.  In  a  word,  the  standard  of  fitness 
which  a  group  may  set  up  for  its  members,  determines 
which  members  shall  survive  and  be  advanced;  but 
the  group  which  sets  up  a  low  or  false  standard  is 
itself  condemned  to  failure  in.  the  contest  of  group  with 
group. 

It  is  equally  true  that  the  particular  form  of  organisa- 
tion in  each  separate  mode  of  social  activity  is  a  source 

of  added  weakness  and  of  added  strength  to 
Family  one  ^ie  society  as  a  whole.  The  development  of 
element  in  the  family  was  worked  out  in  early  times 
the  Fitness  along  this  line.  The  recognition  of  the  child's 

connection  with  its  mother  as  something  more, 
viving  Group. 

and  more  lasting,  than  the  physical  connection 
with  the  source  of  its  early  food,  helped  to  develop 
cohesion  in  the  tribe.  Later,  the  recognition  of  the 
father's  authority  over  his  property,  in  the  patriarchal 
family,  was  a  firmer  bond  of  union  and  a  source  of  in- 
creased strength  to  those  tribes  that  adopted  it.  The 
higher  ideal  of  the  monogamous  family  has  finally  won 
s 


258  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

its  place  because  it  is  the  basis  of  a  deeper  and  truer 
national  life  than  the  forms  that  preceded  it.  The 
authority  of  the  family-ideal  lies  in  the  fact  that  it  has 
proved  its  fitness  by  lending  strength  to  groups  in  the 
struggle  for  existence. 

The    industrial    organisation    of    society   has   in    like 
manner  proved  the  fitness  of  each  stage  of  its  develop- 
ment by  the  strength  it  has  given  to  social 
Industrial  J.        ,     .  .  ™ 

Organisation  groups  in  their  struggle  for  existence.      The 

an  element     tribe  that  kept  its  captives  as  slaves,  could 
in  the  Fitness  Develop  a  far  more  complex  and  more  per- 
manent organisation  than  the  tribe  that  de- 
vivmg  Group.  *  . 

stroyed  its  enemies  in  war.  But  when  men 
had  learned  the  power  of  application  and  self-control, 
slavery  became  a  menace  to  the  nation  instead  of  a 
source  of  strength.  By  the  same  law  that  called  it  into 
being — the  law  that  excellence  of  an  industrial  organisa- 
tion is  tested  by  the  strength  it  gives  the  group — by  this 
same  law  the  doom  of  slavery  was  pronounced.  It  made 
the  nation  weaker  morally,  industrially,  physically ;  and 
this  was  most  strikingly  proved  by  the  war  of  1861. 
The  present  industrial  problems  are  being  worked  out 
on  the  same  line,  and  the  solutions  offered  are  judged 
by  the  same  test.  Discontent  among  workmen  and 
liability  to  strikes  are  sources  of  industrial  weakness; 
oppression  of  isolated  industrial  groups,  short-sighted 
monopolies  that  seek  to  reap  quick  harvests  from  ill- 
gotten  power,  excessive  speculation,  are  sources  of  weak- 
ness ;  corporations  that  use  these  methods  are  at  a 
disadvantage  in  their  contest  with  other  industrial 
groups,  and  the  nation  where  such  methods  prevail  is 
at  a  disadvantage  in  competition  with  other  nations. 
Solutions  for  these  problems  are  offered,  and  in  the 
industrial  struggle  they  are  tested,  until  at  length  the 
right  solution  lias  shown  its  authority  by  proving  its 
fitness  to  make  the  industrial  group  and  the  nation 
strong. 


NATURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY.     259 

Political   life   furnishes  the  clearest   example   of    the 
principle  under  consideration.     Political  parties,  if  they 

perform  at  all  their  proper  function,  present 
Political  .* 

Questions      to  the  People  clear  issues  on  questions  most 

decided  by  important  to  the  nation's  life.  The  successful 
the  Fitness  party  represents  the  nation's  decision  on  these 
questions.  If  that  decision  is  proved  wrong 
by  the  fact  that  it  makes  the  nation  weaker 
in  the  struggle  for  its  position  among  the  nations,  the 
people  have  opportunity  to  change  their  decision.  The 
party's  policy  is  judged  first  in  the  contest  with  other 
parties,  and  then  in  the  contest  of  nation  with  nation; 
its  correctness  is  shown  by  its  power  to  make  the  nation 
strong  and  respected.  According  to  this  principle,  the 
state  has  won  its  right  to  exercise  authority,  and  the 
governed  have  won  the  right  to  protest  against  an  unwise 
and  unjust  government.  According  to  the  same  prin- 
ciple, questions  as  to  the  limits  of  state  activity  are 
being  tested  to-day.  Men  use  argument  to  persuade  the 
people  that  it  is  worth  while  for  the  state  to  attempt 
to  extend  the  sphere  of  its  activity ;  the  question  is 
temporarily  decided  in  the  Eeichstag  or  in  Parliament, 
but  the  real  decision  depends  on  the  severe  test  of  titness 
in  the  struggle  for  existence.  Whatever  limit  to  state 
activity  proves  its  fitness  by  making  the  nation  strong, 
this  limit  may  lay  claim  to  truth. 

Once  more,  in  the  psychical  sphere  the  questions  of 
truth,  and  right,  and  beauty,  are  decided  by  the  same 

'  test  of  fitness.     The  introduction  and  develop- 
The  Standard  „  ,      „      . 

ofRightmadement  °*  a  new  standard  of  right  has  already 
clear  by  the   been  described  (p.  244).    The  contest  of  ideals 
ldea:s  of  the  is  carried  on  at  length  by  a  contest  of  parties 
urviving      representing  ideals.    The  party  which  triumphs 
in  the  contest  successfully  asserts  a  temporary 
authority  for  its  ideal;    the   real   test  comes,  however, 
when  the  recognition  of  the  ideal  enforced  by  the  success- 
ful party  works  out  its  effect  in  the  life  of  the  people1. 


260  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

If  the  new  ideal  produces  more  earnest,  more  upright, 
truer  men,  if  it  binds  families  together  in  a  deeper 
common  life,  if  it  makes  men  better  citizens  by  kindling 
their  devotion  to  the  state,  the  new  ideal  proves  its  real 
authority  by  making  the  man,  the  family,  the  state,  better 
fitted  for  the  struggle  of  life.  The  religious  man  uses 
the  old  motto  "  Vox  populi,  vox  Dei "  in  the  deeper  sense 
in  which  its  truth  cannot  be  questioned :  God's  voice 
proclaims  the  right  to  each  age  and  each  people,  in  the 
ideal  which  makes  that  people  best  able  to  do  its  work  in 
its  own  age. 

The  test  of  truth  and  beauty  is  essentially  the  same. 
Men  have  tried  in  vain — first  with  military  force,  and 

then  with  the  power  of  the  ballot — to  make 

Beauty^ade  propositions  true.     The  immediate  test  of  a 

clear  by  the  new  proposition  is  its  acceptance  by  the  few 

Survival  of    minds   best   qualified   to   express   an   opinion 

ittest    Up0n  it       Every  new  opinion   has  to  run  a 

gauntlet  in  the  learned  world,  and  under 
criticism  its  strong  points  and  its  weak  points  are 
revealed.  So  every  new  departure  in  art  has  to  justify 
itself  to  the  art  critics,  and  through  them  to  the  public. 
This  is  only  the  preliminary  test  of  excellence.  The 
new  opinion  in  science  requires  the  farther  test  of 
experience  in  its  favour.  It  is  true,  if  it  makes  the 
student  better  fitted  to  deal  with  the  problems  of  science ; 
true,  if  it  leads  to  farther  discovery  and  useful  invention ; 
true,  if  familiar  facts  receive  new  light  and  new  meaning 
from  it.  The  ultimate  test  is  its  manifested  •  power  to 
make  men  better  fitted  to  deal  with  the  objects  of 
scientific  study.  And  a  new  conception  of  beauty  has 
not  proved  its  right  to  be,  by  making  a  few  converts 
among  critics.  When  its  power  to  stimulate  and  elevate 
the  human  soul  has  been  demonstrated,  when  human 
life  has  been  enriched  by  it,  when  it  has  made  men 
better  fitted  for  the  work  of  life — then  it  may  lay 
claim  to  beauty. 


NATURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY.    261 

In  discussing  the  survival  of  the  fittest  in  the  struggle 
of  social  groups,  I  have  almost  inevitably  spoken  of  the 
3.  Survival  survival  of  the  fittest  institutions,  which  have 
of  the  Fittest  made  the  groups  what  they  are.  The  general 
Institutions,  type  of  social  organisation,  which  makes  a 
social  group  strong  in  the  contest  of  groups,  has  proved 
its  fitness  by  the  survival  of  the  group  that  it  has 
characterised.  So,  too,  each  particular  phase  of  social 
organisation  is,  as  we  have  seen,  a  source  of  added 
strength  or  weakness.  The  form  of  industrial  organ- 
isation in  all  its  details,  the  type  of  the  family  and 
the  class  organisation  in  social  life,  the  legal  and  political 
organisation  of  a  society,  the  place  it  gives  to  psychical 
life  and  the  forms  of  psychical  life  which  are  encouraged 
— all  these  phases  of  its  life  are  the  institutions  in  which 
it  finds  strength  or  weakness.  The  struggle  and  survival 
of  institutions  is  essentially  the  struggle  of  social  groups 
and  the  survival  of  the  groups  which  find  strength  in 
their  institutions.  The  contest  of  ideas  and  ideals  is 
essentially  a  contest  of  groups  representing  ideas  or 
ideals ;  and  in  the  success  and  survival  of  the  group, 
the  ideas  are  proved  true  or  false. 

It  is  important  to  form  a  clear  idea  of  the  process 
of  "  survival "  for  social  institutions,  as  well  as  for  all 
The  Process  ideals  aad  ideas,  because  this  is  the  mannei 
of  "Survival"  in  which  every  reform  must  win  its  success, 
of  Social  the  process  by  which  ethical  and  intellectual 
life  develops.  Each  new  phase  of  social  life, 
each  new  line  of  thought  or  of  conduct,  must  first  prove 
its  excellence  to  the  few  who  are  fitted  to  judge  it,  and 
through  them  to  the  people  generally.  The  new  and 
the  old  first  compete  for  the  approval  of  the  individual 
mind;  apostles  of  the  new  urge  its  claims  upon  all 
who  will  lisen;  if  the  new  phase  of  social  life  passes 
this  test  successfully,  it  becomes  incorporated  in  the  life 
of  a  people,  and  its  fortunes  are  identified  with  the 
people's  fortunes.  Then  comes  the  second  test — the  test 


262  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

by  the  effect  on  the  people's  life.  What  helps  the  people 
to  survive,  ultimately  proves  its  "fitness"  by  surviving. 
The  new  "variety"  survives,  if  it  is  the  fittest,  (a)  by 
appealing  to  individual  reason,  and  (b)  by  proving  its 
adaptation  in  the  fact  that  it  makes  the  social  group 
better  equipped  in  the  struggle  with  other  groups. 

The  manner  in  which  each  social  institution  has  thus 
been  born  of  struggle,  explains  both  its  authority  and 
Authority  ^s  c^a^m  to  stability.  A  particular  govern- 
and  stability  ment,  so  the  science  of  politics  asserts,  has 
of  social  authority  over  its  people,  because  it  is  an 
Institutions.  instjtution  tnat  has  proved  its  right  to  exer- 
cise authority  in  the  severest  kind  of  struggle,  by  the 
severest  test  by  which  it  could  be  tested.  It  continues 
to  exercise  authority  rightfully,  just  so  long  as  it  con- 
tinues to  meet  the  requirements  of  this  test.  Its  stability 
depends  on  its  relative  justification  to  the  minds  of 
critics,  and  its  ultimate  justification  in  that  it  makes 
the  nation  strong  to  meet  its  difficulties  and  to  fulfil 
its  tasks.  Or,  again,  in  the  theory  of  knowledge,  the 
authority  of  truth  and  its  unchanging  character  depend 
on  the  struggle  in  which  truth  must  originally  assert 
its  power,  and  continually  reassert  it.  "  Materialistic," 
"  idealistic,"  and  "  critical "  views  of  the  world  each 
claim  to  be  true.  The  first  test  is  power  to  command 
the  assent  of  thinkers,  the  second  is  the  test  of  life. 
Any  truth  that  passes  these  tests  has  enduring  authority, 
and  the  particular  statement  of  that  truth  has  authority 
so  long  as  it  meets  these  tests.  Such  an  institution  as 
the  "public  school,"  such  an  ideal  as  that  of  true 
charity  to  classes  that  become  dependent,  derives  its 
authority  from  the  two-fold  struggle  in  which  it 
prevails;  and  so  long  as  it  meets  the  test,  it  produces 
stability,  and  rightfully  exercises  authority. 

The  present  account  of  the  social  authority  and 
stability  of  institutions  does  not,  however,  at  all  exclude 
a  principle  of  change.  So  soon  as  a  new  phase  of  social 


NATURAL  SELECTION  IN  HUMAN  SOCIETY.    263 

life — perhaps  a  new  type  of  trade's,  union,  with  more 
Principle  of  attention  to  the  higher  needs  of  workmen — 
Development  claims  recognition,  the  authority  of  the  earlier 
in  the  phase  must  re-assert  itself,  or  be  supplanted. 

of  Authorir  In  Greek  leSend>  one  dynasty  of  the  gods  falls 
'  before  a  new  and  stronger  dynasty.  Such  is  the 
history  of  ideals  and  institutions  in  the  process  of  social 
development.  New  ideals,  born  of  the  old,  assert  superior 
authority ;  the  good  yields  to  the  better ;  but  the  stability 
of  truth  and  the  authority  of  right  remain  unquestioned. 
"  Progress  has  been  due  to  the  opportunity  of  those 
individuals  who  are  a  little  superior  in  some  respects 
Progress  by  to  their  fellows  of  asserting  their  superiority, 
the  Survival  and  of  continuing  to  live,  and  of  promulgating, 

of  the  as   an   inheritance,   that   superiority."1       The 

Fittest 

doctrine  of  natural  selection  and  the  survival 

of  the  fittest  in  human  society,  represents  simply  the 
principle  that  those  types  best  fitted  to  live  are  the  ones 
that  survive.  This  principle  it  applies,  not  to  individuals 
alone,  but  also  to  social  groups  and  to  the  ideals  and 
institutions  which  social  groups  represent.  In  the  simple 
principle  of  selection,  the  modern  science  of  society  finds 
the  key  to  social  development.  In  biology,  selection 
meant  development  of  new  and  higher  types,  because  the 
conditions  of  life  were  constantly  changing ;  and  the  rise 
of  new  biological  types  was  the  basis  for  yet  more 
complex  and  higher  types  of  plants  and  animals.  In 
human  society,  the  principle  of  selection  becomes  in  truth 
a  principle  of  progress,  because  the  development  of  higher 
social  types  produces  those  conditions  which  make  yet 
higher  types  possible.  As  the  conditions  of  social  ex- 
istence become,  not  only  more  complex,  but  also  more 
truly  human,  the  type  of  the  "best  adapted"  becomes 
higher ;  with  each  step  in  development  is  given  the 
stimulus  to  a  farther  and  higher  development. 

1  Professor  Flower,  "Reply  to  an  Address  by  the  Trades  Council,  New- 
castle, September,  1889."    Quoted  by  Mr.  B.  Kidd,  Social  Evolution^.  34. 


264  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

Students  of  history  have  often  sought  to  explain 
progress  by  pointing  out  the  conditions  of  progress.  The 
great  lesson  of  the  theory  of  natural  selection,  as  applied 
to  human  society,  is  that  it  is  not  external  conditions 
which  account  for  progress.  Eather  in  the  selection  of 
the  better  men,  the  better  social  groups,  the  better  social 
institutions  and  ideals,  the  power  of  each  social  unit  to 
utilise  favourable  conditions  is  developed  and  increased. 
The  true  key  to  progress  is  found  in  the  development  of 
the  faculty  to  use  the  so-called  external  conditions  of 
progress. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


THIS  bibliography  is  intended  simply  as  a  list  of  the  books 
which  have  been  found  useful  in  the  preparation  of  the  fore- 
going pages ;  I  have,  however,  added  the  titles  of  six  or  eight 
books  and  articles  which  have  come  to  my  notice  while  the 
book  was  in  press.  It  is  arranged  according  to  the  chapters 
that  have  preceded,  in  order  to  guide  the  reader  in  farther 
research  alone  the  lines  suggested. 


A.  A.  P.  S.     Annals  of  the  American  Academy  of  Political  and  Social 
Science. 

A.  J.  S.     American  Journal  of  Sociology. 

I.  J.  E.     International  Journal  of  Ethics. 

R.  I.  S.     Retnie  internal ionale  de  sociologie.     Paris. 

Z.  f.  v.  P.     Zcitschrift  j  ur  vergleichcnde  Psychologic. 


GENERAL   WOKKS 

Ammon,  0.     Die  Gesellschaftsordnung  und  ihre  natiirlichen  Grundlagen. 

Jena,  1895. 

Bagehot,  W.     Physics  and  Politics.     New  York,  1876. 
Carey,  H.  C.     Principles  of  Social  Science.     Philadelphia,  1858-59. 
Comte,  A.     Cours  de  philosophie  positive.     Third  Edition.     Paris,  1869. 
Conrad,   Elster,   Lexis  und  Loerning.     Handworterbuch  der  Slaatswis- 

senschaften. 

Durkheim,  E.     De  la  division  du  travail  social.     Paris,  1893. 
Fouillue,  A.     La  science  sociale  contemporaine.     Paris,  1885. 
Giddings,  F.  H.    "The  Theory  of  Sociology."     Supplement,  A.  A.  P.  S. 

1894. 

The  Principles  of  Sociology.     New  York  and  London,  1896. 
de  Greef,  G.     Introduction  a  la  sociologie.     Bruxelles  et  Paris.      I.  1886  ; 

II.  1889. 

Les  lois  sociologiques. 

Gumplowicz,  L.     Der  Rassenlcampf.     Innsbruck,  1883. 
Grundriss  der  Sociologie.     Wien,  1885. 

So 
A 


266  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

Hansen,  G.     Die  drei  Bevolkerungsstufen.     Miinchen,  1889. 

Lilienfeld,  P.  v.      Gedanken  ilber  die  Socialunssenschaft  der  Zukunft. 

Mitau,  1873-75. 
Mackenzie,  J.  S.     Introduction  to  Social  Philosophy.     London  and  New 

York,  1890. 

Novicow,  J.     Les  luttes  entre  societte  humaines.     Paris,  1 893. 
Patten,  S.  N.    "The  Theory  of  Social  Forces."    Supplement,  A.  A.  P.  S. 

1896. 

Schaffle,  A.     Bau  und  Leben  des  socialen  Korpers.     Tubingen,  1875-77. 
Simmel,  G.     Uber  sociale  Differ enzierung.     Leipzig,  1890. 
Spencer,  H.     Social  Statics.     London,  1851. 

First  Principles  of  a  New  System  of  Philosophy.     New  York,  1874. 

Principles  of  Sociology.     New  York,  1891. 

Principles  of  Ethics.     New  York,  1892-93. 

Descriptive  Sociology.     New  York,  1873-1881. 
Tarde,  G.     Les  lois  de  I' imitation.     Paris,  1890. 

La  logique  sociale.     Paris,  1895. 

Tonnies,  F.     Oemeinschaft  und  Gesellschoft.     Leipzig,  1887. 
Ward,  L.  F.     Dynamic  Sociology.     New  York,  1 883. 

The  Psychic  Factors  of  Civilization.     Boston,  1893. 

See  also  the  various  Culturgeschichten  published  in  Germany,  also  dis- 
cussions of  Ethics  (especially  those  by  Hb'IFding,  Paulsen,  and  Wundt), 
and  of  the  Philosophy  of  History. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  FOE  THE  INTRODUCTION 

I.  SOCIOLOGY  THE  STUDY  OP  THE  SOCIETY  OR  SOCIAL  GROUP 

Espinas,  A.     Des   sodetes  animales.     Paris,    1878.     Introduction,   and 

Conclusion,  p.  527,  sqq. 
Gumplowicz.     llassenkampf,  §  30,  -et  pass. 
Lazarus.     Z.  f.  v.  P.  I.  32.     "  Was  ist  ein  Volk  ? " 
Pioger.    R.  I.  S.  February,  1894.    "Theorie  organique  de  la  vie  sociale." 
Worms,  W.     B.  I.  S.  I.     "  La  sociologie. " 

II.  THE  PLACE  OF  SOCIOLOGY  AMONG  THE  SOCIAL  SCIENCES 

Comte,  A.     Philosophic  positive.     I.   "  Introductory  Principles." 
Fiamingo.     R.  I.  S.  June,  1894.     "Une  loi  sociologique." 
Giddings,  F.  H.     "  Province  of  Sociology."    A.  A.  P.  S.  1891. 

"Sociological  Character  of  Political  Economy."    American  Economic 
Association,  II.  129. 

"Sociology  as  a  University  Study."     Polit.  Sci.  Quar.  Vol.  VI.  635. 
de  Greef.     Introduction  a  la  sociologie,  Vol.  I.  chap.  vii. 

Les  lois  sociologiques. 
Gumplowicz,  L.     Soziologie  und  Politik.     1892. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY.  267 

Leslie,  T.  E.  C.   Essays  in  Political  and  Moral  Philosophy.    Dublin,  1879. 

XXVI.   "  Political  Economy  and  Sociology." 
Limanowski.     R.  I.  S.  July,  1894.     "  La  classification  des  sciences  et  la 

sociologie." 
Patten,  S.  N.    "The  Relations  of  Sociology  to  Economics."   Amer.  Econ. 

Assoc.  Vol.  X. 

de  Roberty,  E.     La  sociologie.     Paris,  1886. 
Small,  A.  W.    "The  Relation  of  Sociology  to  Economics."    Amer.  Econ. 

Assoc.  Vol.  X. 

Spencer,  H.     Principles  of  Sociology,  Vol.  I.  Part  ii. 
Sumner,  W.  G.     Princeton  Review,  LVII.  p.  303.     "Sociology." 
Ward.     Pol.  Science  Quar.  Vol.  X.     "Static  and  Dynamic  Sociology." 

A.  J.  S.  Vol.  I.     "The  Place  of  Sociology  among  the  Sciences." 
Worms,  R.    R.  I.  S.  I.  437.    "  Essai  de  classification  des  sciences  sociales." 
R.  I.  S.  June,  1894.     "La  sociologie  et  I'ecouomie  politique." 

III.   THE  SCIENTIFIC  CHARACTER  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Bernes,  M.  Rev.  d'Econ.  Pol.  1894.  "  Les  deux  directions  de  la  socio- 
logie contemporaine." 

Colin,  G.  System  der  Nationalokonomie.  Bd.  I.  Stuttgart,  1880. 
"  Einleitung." 

Durkheim,  E.     Les  regies  de  la  me'thodc  sociologique.     Paris.  1895. 

Espinas,  A.     Des  societes  animales.     Paris,  1878.     Introduction. 

Huntington,  F.  D.     Human  Society.     Ne\v  York,  1860.     Chapter  i. 

<ie  Laveleye,  E.     Les  lois  naturelles  et  I'objet  de  V  economic  politiquc. 

Kingsley,  C.  The  Limits  of  Exact  Science  as  applied,  to  History. 
Cambridge,  1860. 

Leslie,  T.  E.  C.  Essays.  Dublin,  1879.  III.  "  The  Individual  and  the 
Crowd." 

Lewis,  G.  C.  On  the  Methods  of  Observation  and  Reasoning  in  Politics. 
London,  1852. 

Mayr,  G.     Die  Gcsetzinassigkeit  und  Gesellschaflsleben. 

Menger,  C.  Untcrsuchungen  iiber  die  Mcthoden  der  Socialwissenschaften. 
Leipzig,  1883. 

Novicow,  J.     Les  luttes  entre  socittes  humaines.     Paris,  1893. 

Spencer,  H.     Tlie  Study  of  Sociology.     New  York,  1880. 

Strada,  J.     La  loi  de  I'  histoire.     Paris,  1894. 


CHAPTER   I. 

THE  ORGANIC  CHARACTER  OP  SOCIETY 

Bluntschli,  J.  C.     Theory  of  the  State.     Oxford,  1885. 

Kleine  Schriften,  Vol.  I.  chap.  x.  Nordlingen,  1879. 
Bordicr,  A.  La  vie  des  societes.  Paris,  1887.  Chapter  ii. 
Espinas.  Des  societes  animales.  Especially  the  conclusion. 


268  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

Fouillee.     Science  sociale  contemporaine.     Book  II. 

de  Greef.     Introduction,  A  la  sociologic,  Vol.  I.  chapters  i.  and  vi. 

Gumplowicz.     Der  Rasscnkampf.     IV. 

Grundriss  der  Sociologie.     III. 

Hellwald.     Culturgeschichte.     I.   "  Die  socialen  Gesetze. " 
Hbffding.     Ethik,  pp.  187,  sqq. 
v.  Humboldt,  W.     Ges.  Werke,  I.  p.  301  sqq. 
Jones.     "The  Social  Organism,"  in  Seth-Haldane :   Essays  in  Ph!l«xo- 

fihical  Criticism,  pp.  187-215. 

Lilienfeld.     Gedaiiken  fiber  die  Social  wissenschaft  der  Zukuwft, 
Menger,  C.     Die  Methode  der  Socialmssenschaften.     Book  III. 
Mackenzie.     Introduction  to  Social  Philosophy.     Chapter  iii. 
Patten,  S.  N.    "The  Failure  of  Biologic  Sociology."    A.  A.  P.  S.  Vol.  IV. 
Pioger.    H.  I.  S.  February,  1894.     "Theorie  organique  de  la  vie  sociale." 
Schaeffle.     Bau  imd  Leben  des  socialen  Korpers. 
Spencer.     Principles  of  Sociology.     Part  II. 

Illustrations  of  Universal  Progress.     Chapter  x. 
Wallace,  W.     Mind.     VIII.   "  Ethics  and  Sociology." 


CHAPTER  II. 
RACE  AND  LOCALITY 

Bordier,  A.     La  vie  des  societes.     Paris,  1887.     Chapters  xi.-xvii. 

Buckle.      History  of   Civilization  in  England.     New  York,    1858-62. 
Chapter  ii. 

Cohn.      System    der    Nationalokonomie.       Band    I.       Stuttgart,    1885. 
Abschn.  I.  (especially  chapters  vii.-ix.) 

Duraont.     Depopulation  et  civilisation.     Paris,  1890. 

de  Greef,  G.     Introduction  a  la  sociologic.  I.  Chapter  iii.     Paris,  1886. 

Gumplowicz.     Rassenkampf,  §§  25,  30,  31,  et  pass. 

Hellwald.     Culturgeschichte.     Band  I.  p.  36. 

Hollding.     Ethik,  p.  273,  sqq. 

Honegger.     Allgemcine  Culturgeschichte.     Leipzig,  1882.     I.  p.  153,  sqq. 

Marshall.     Principles  of  Economics.     I.  Book  IV. 

Meyer,  E.     Geschichte  des  Altertums.     II.  §40.     Stuttgart,  1893. 

Montesquieu.     L'e'sprit  des  lois.     Chapters  xiv.-xix. 

Novicow.  Les  luttes  entre  societes  humaines.  Liv.  II.  eh.  ii.  ;  Liv.  IV. 
ch.  vii. 

Patten,  S.  N.  Pol.  Science  Quar.  Vol.  X.  "The  Law  of  Population  re- 
stated." 

Pearson,  C.     National  Life  and  Character.     Chapters  i.  iii.     London. 

Wagner,  A.  Lehr-  und  Handbucli  der  politischen  Oekonomie.  Erste 
Hauptabtheilung.  Dritte  Auflage.  Erste  Theil.  Buch  IV. 
Leipzig,  1893. 

Waitz.     Anthropologie  der  Aaturvolker.     I.  p.  38,  sqq. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY.  269 

CHAPTER  III. 

ASSOCIATION 

Bordier,  A.     La  vie  des  socit'te's.     Chapter  ii.-iii. 

Espinas.     Les  socie'tes  animates.     Chapter  iv. 

Fouillee,  A.     La  science  sociale.     Book  II. 

Giddings,  F.  H.    The  Principles  of  Sociology.    Book  II.  chap.  i. ;  Book  III. 

Gide,  Ch.     R.  I.  S.,  I.,  385.     "L'idee  de  solidarite." 

Gumplowicz.     Rassenkampf,  §§  35-36. 

Guyau,  M.     L'art  au  point  de  vue  sociologique.     Paris,  1889. 

de  Lestrade,  C.     Elements  de  sociologie.     Book  I.     Paris,  1889. 

Novicow,  J.     Les  luttes  entre  sociitis  humaines.     Liv.  II.  chap.  vi. 

Pioger.    R.  I.  S.,  February,  1894.     "  Theorie  organique  de  la  vie  sociale." 

Spencer,  H.     Principles  of  Sociology. 

Zeitschrift  fur  V  olkerpsychologie,  Vol.  I.  pp.  32,  sqq.  ;  III.  I,  sqq. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  SOCIAL  MIND 

Bosanquet,  B.     I.  J.  E.     April,  1894.      "  The  Reality  of  the  General 

Will." 

Bradley,  F.  H.     Ethical  Studies.     London,  1876. 
Clifford,  W.  H.     Essays  and  Addresses.     London,  1879. 
Dewey,  J.    Outlines  of  Ethics.   Part  I.  chapter  i.  Ann  Arbor,  Mich.  1891. 
Fouillee,  A.     La  science  sociale.     Liv.  III.     "  The  Social  Consciousness." 
Giddings,  F.  H.     The  Principles  of  Sociology.     Book  II.  chapter  ii. 
Guyau,  M.     L'art  au  point  de  vue  sociologique.     Paris,  1889. 
Ihering,  R.     Der  Zweck  im  Rcclit.     Leipzig,  1877. 

Lazarus.   Z.  f.  v.  P.  II.  "  Das  Verhaltniss  des  Einzeln  zur  Gesammtheit." 
Lewes.    Problems  of  Life  and  Mind.     Vol.  III.    The  Study  of  Psychology. 
Nettleship.     /.  J.  E.  January,  1892.    "Social  Authority." 
Riehl,  A.     Der  philosophische  Kriticismus,  II.  2  ;   Eng.   Tr.  Science  and 

Metaphysics.     London,  1894. 
Seth-Haldane.    Essay  sin  Philosophical  Criticism,}).  193,  et  pass.    London, 

1883. 

Stephen,  L.     The  Science  of  Ethics. 
Tarde,  G.     Les  lois  de  I' imitation. 
La  logique  sociale. 


270  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY. 

CHAPTER  V. 

CAUSES  OF  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY 

See  in  general  the  economic  discussions  of  man's  needs  as  a  stimulus  to 
industry,  e.g. : 

Cohn.     System  der  Nationalokonomie.     I.  S.  256-290. 
Marshall.     Principles  of  Economics.     I.  47,  78  sq.,  150  sq. 

Also 

Dumont.     Depopulation  et  civilisation.     Chapter  vi.     Paris,  1890. 
Morley,  J.     Critical  Miscellanies.     London,   1871.     "Some  Greek  Con- 
ceptions of  Social  Growth,"  with  reference  to  Plato,  Polit.  370- 
373.     Aristot.  Pol.  I.  ii. 
Patten,   S.      The  Theory  of  Dynamic  Economics.      Publications  of  the 

University  of  Pennsylvania.     Philadelphia,  1892. 
"The  Theory  of  Social  Forces."     Supplement,  A.  A.  P.  S.  1896. 
Stephen,  L.     The  Science  of  Ethics.     London,  1892. 
"Ward,  L.  F.     Dynamic  Sociology.     I.  chap.  vii. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

MODES  OF  SOCIAL  ACTIVITY 

Much  material  is  found  in  books  on  Economics,  especially  Wagner, 
Lehr-  und  Handbuch  der  politischen  Oekonomie ;  also  in  books  on  Ethics, 
as  in  Huiiding,  Ethik,  S.  320-350. 

Loria,  A.     Les  bases  6conomiques  de  la  constitution  sociale.     Paris,  1893. 
Mackenzie,  J.  S.     /.  J.  E.  1893.     "The  Relation  between  Ethics  and 

Economics." 

Molinari.     La  morale  Iconomique.     Paris,  1888.     Liv.  I. 
Novicow,  J.     Les  luttes  entre  socUtes  humaines.     Liv.  III. 
Stephen,  J.  F.     Liberty,  Equality,  and  Fraternity.     New  York,  1873. 
Smart,   W.     I.  J.  E.  1893.      "The   Place  of    Industry  in   the   Social 

Organism." 

Villey,  E.     E.  I.  S.  II.      "Du  r&le  de  1'Etat  dans  1'ordre  economique." 
Z.  f.  v.  P.  Bd.  III.  S.  21-30.     Lazarus,  Synthetische  Gedanken. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

INDUSTRIAL  ORGANISATION  OF  SOCIETY. 

EXCHANGE. 

The  Handbooks  on  Political  Economy. 

Decugis,  H.     R.  I.  S.  1894.     "  De  1'  influence  du  progres  des  communi- 
cations sur  P  evolution  des  societes. " 


BIBLIOGRAPHY,  271 


PROPERTY. 

Lafargue.     The  Evolution  of  Property.     London,  1890. 
de  Laveleye,  E.  L.  V.     De  la  propriete  et  ses  formes  primitives.     Paris, 
1874. 

Letourneau.     Property :  Its  Origin  and  Development.     London  and  New 
York,  1892. 

INDUSTRIAL  DEVELOPMENT  IN  KNGLAND. 

Ashley.    English  Economic  History.    New  York  and  London,  1892,  1895. 
Rogers,  J.  E.  T.     Six  Centuries  of  Work  and  Wages.     London,  1884. 
Toynbee,  A.     The  Industrial  Revolution,    London,  1884. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
THE  FAMILY 

Achelis.     Die  Entwickelung  der  Ehe.     Berlin,  1893. 

Delhi-tick.     Die  Indoijermanische   Verwandtschajtsnamen.      Abhd.  sacks. 

Oes.  d.  Wiss.  Phil.  hist.  Clause,  XI.  1890. 
Bachofen,  J.  J.  Das  Mutterrecht.  Stuttgart,  1861. 
Bancroft.  H.  H.  The  Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States  of  North  America. 

New  York,  1874. 

Girard-Teulon.     Les  origines  de  lafamille.     Paris,  1874. 
Janet,  P.     Lafamille.     Paris,  1866.     Sixth  Edition, 
de  Lestrade,  C.     Elements  de  sociologie.     Paris,  1889.     Livr.  II. 
Letourneau,  Ch.     The  Evolution  of  Marriage.     New  York. 
Lippert,  J.     Die  Geschichte  der  Familie.     Stuttgart,  1886. 
Morgan.     Systems  of  Consanguinity  and  Affinity  of  the  Human  Family. 
Smithsonian  Contributions  to  Knowledge,  XVII.     1870. 

Ancient  Society.     New  York  and  London.     1877. 
McLennan,  J.  F.     Studies  in  Ancient  History.     London,  1876. 

The  Patriarchal  Theory.     London,  1885. 
Post,  A.  H.     Die  Geschlechtegenosscnschaft  der  Urzeit  und  die  Entstehung 

der  Ehe.     Oldenburg,  1875. 
Studien  zur  Entwickelungsgeschichte  des  Familienrechts.     Oldenburg 

and  Leipzig,  1890. 

Smith,  W.  R.    Kinship  and  Marriage  in  Early  Arabia.   Cambridge,  1885. 
Starcke,  C.  N.     The  Primitive  Family  in  its  Origin  and  Development. 

New  York  and  London,  1889. 

Waitz,  T.     Anthropologie  der  Naturvolker.     Leipzig,  1859-1872. 
Westermarck,  E.      The  History  of  Human  Marriage.     London  and  New 

York,  1891. 


272  INTRODUCTION  TO  SOCIOLOGY- 

CHAPTEE  IX. 

THE  STATE. 

Ahrens,  H.     Conrs  de  droit  naturel.     7ieme  ed.     Leipzig,  1875. 

Bagehot,  W.     Physics  and  Politics.     New  York,  1884. 

Austin,  J.     Lectures  on  Jurisprudence.     4th  ed.     London,  1873. 

Province  of  Jurisprudence  determined. 
Bentham,  J.      Works.     Vol.  I.     Edinburgh,  1843. 
Bluntschli,  J.  C.     Allgemeines  Staatsrecht.     6  Auf.     Stuttgart,  1885. 

E.  Tr.     The  Theory  of  the  btate.     Oxford,  1885. 

Kleine  Schriften.     Baud  I.     Nordlingen,  1879. 

Burgess,  J.  W.     Political  Science  and  Constitutional  Law.    Boston,  1890. 
Gumplowicz,  L.     Die  sociologische  Slaatsidee.     Graz,  1892. 
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